The DPM dilemma

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Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has expressed hopes that the unity government will finish its full term. That’s left to be seen.

Anwar and his supporters want to project a narrative that the threat to the unity government originates externally. That may be true if Anwar’s leadership does not provide ammunition for detractors to seek an alternative.

Some of the decisions Anwar has made have far-reaching repercussions and they need to be examined to see if they put the nation and its institutions at risk. If they have, then MPs are justified and should seek a change of administration or a change of prime minister. If MPs don’t, they will not be living up to the expectations of the voters.

Consider the current state of the national leadership. The nation is now poised to have a prime minister who is facing 47 corruption charges in court involving Yayasan Akalbudi. Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, who is facing these charges, is one of the two current deputy prime ministers. He is more senior in terms of rank and experience than the other DPM, Fadillah Yusof, who is from Gabungan Parti Sarawak(GPS).

Should anything happen to Anwar or he voluntarily resigns, who will take over? Zahid? Did the people vote for this? Did he get the mandate of the people or was this a decision that Anwar for his own reasons has imposed on the nation? Is this not risking the reputation of the nation and good governance that this nation is aspiring for?

If the unity government has set in place a succession plan in which Zahid is not the candidate to take over the premiership mid-term, the people need to know about it. But, if the candidate is Zahid, it is not the will of the people and Anwar’s decision threatens our democratic system of government.

No one should play God and believe fate will be in his or her favour. He or she should understand human limitations and make provisions for them. If anything happens to Anwar now, the nation would be stuck with an undesirable and unwanted prime minister — thanks to Anwar.

The people need to understand the gravity of the situation that Anwar has put the nation in.

Anwar has justified his decision by arguing that one is innocent until proven guilty. If so, march into court in the confidence that one is innocent and one has the evidence to prove it.

If a defendant is finding ways to escape conviction — as Zahid has attempted by sending a letter of representation to the Attorney General’s Chambers (AGC) requesting that the AGC drop the 47 charges against him in the Yayasan Akalbudi case — it would only raise public suspicion that he doesn’t think he is innocent.

In addition, Zahid’s party, Umno, has sent a request to the king for a royal pardon for its adviser, Najib Razak, who is in jail for his involvement in the SRC International case. The king should not forward the request to the Pardons Board of which he is chairman because, under the constitution, a political party can’t seek a pardon for any of its convicted members. That’s not the correct procedure. Yet, Zahid sidestepped the correct procedure to get what he wants. And Anwar kept his silence.

How could Anwar allow his DPM to disrespect the constitution and get away with it? It is dangerous to have such a politician in the Cabinet as he or she may use his or her influence and position to get what he/she wants and it may not be what the people want.

Zahid and others in Umno who are facing criminal charges in court have often justified their actions by claiming that their cases are politically motivated. That has now become a cliche. In politics, everything is politically motivated! The question to ask isn’t whether such cases are politically motivated but whether they are true or correct, and allow the courts to prove it so or otherwise.

Anwar’s silence perhaps is a demonstration of his own sense of ethics. He himself is facing a sodomy case in court and, therefore, is in no position to judge Zahid and other Umno members facing criminal charges in court or dismiss them. If he did, he would have to first dismiss himself, i.e. resign!

At the same time, one can not help but observe that should Zahid succeed in getting the AGC to drop the 47 charges against him, a precedent would be set and others facing criminal charges in court can do the same.

That would include Anwar and other politicians in his unity government who are facing criminal charges in court. It will also result in a long line of criminals seeking to drop charges against them.

That would be nothing but a mockery of our justice system. It is reckless irresponsibility to put the nation at risk by having such a candidate as a DPM who could become PM who mocks the AGC and the judiciary while the PM stands by silently.

This is the reason why politicians facing court charges should not be allowed to hold public office.

The people are witnessing first-hand how a compromised candidate will use position and influence to save himself or herself and set a precedent that should not have been set with no one stopping it.

It is, therefore, not surprising that there are efforts to change the current administration or, at least, the current PM.

Whether or not the PM’s position is at risk, Anwar has to act swiftly to choose the right candidate, after consultations with the partners in his unity government, to be the designated DPM who will take over from him as PM should it become necessary in the mid-term.

If he fails to correct the situation he has put the nation in, then, he gives MPs the right reasons to move against him. He would be inviting it.

It’s that time of the year again

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The year has come to an end, school break will begin soon and Christmas is around the corner to add that jolly spirit to a wet December. It’s that time when one does not have to take things seriously.

Life is famous for throwing lemons at us; it is inescapable reality, but what is also reality is that we have it in us to make the best of it. The Christmas season at the end of the year is an ideal time to take a little escape from whatever our circumstances are and find some relief.

All the Christmas decor in shopping complexes, Christian homes and some churches create a make-believe atmosphere of something out of this world yet close at hand. It is common knowledge that Christmas is when Christians celebrate the birth of Jesus Christ from the Other World. For us, it is not just a fantasy and a delightful and, perhaps, needful escape but a celebration of the hope we have for here and now and the beyond.

Yet, it is a celebration for anyone to enjoy, whether or not they understand the religious meaning. So, enjoy it. Don’t mind the commercialness of some of the celebrations. It’s a pleasant distraction and might be just what you need.

For me, it’s a time when I choose to forget about politics in this country by not commenting on it. So, there will be no political commentary here this month. In this season, I don’t let politics bother me. This year, I figured, I have written whatever I needed to express. Now, I’ll sit back, enjoy the season and — as is often advised — to leave it to God to do the rest!

Season’ greetings!

It’s back to the status quo in Sabah

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The results of Sabah’s state elections yesterday (Nov 29) returned Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) to power. GRS, which fielded the largest number of candidates implicated in alleged corruption videos, led the pack by winning 29 seats, but short of eight of the 37 needed for a simple majority to form the state government.

Ten candidates implicated in videos depicting alleged corruption revealed by businessman Albert Tei, stood for election. All but one were from GRS. Eight, including Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku (Star) president, Jeffrey Kitingan, won their seats. Those from GRS who won included GRS chairman Hajiji Noor.

Apparently, the video scandals had minimal electoral impact, with voters being more concerned over bread and butter issues.

So, Sabah will get a GRS-led government for a second term. So far, Hajiji has the official support of Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) sole candidate, Star’s two seats and Upko’s three seats giving it 35 seats, still short of two for a simple majority to form the state government.

There were reports that Hajiji has the support of five independents, but there were no public announcements. Perhaps that gave him his needed majority as he was sworn in as the chief minister in the early hours of the morning.

Following Hajiji’s swearing-in, there has been, as of now (10pm, Malaysian time), no official announcement of his majority government. A late report stated that Barisan Nasional with six seats, too, might be backing him. But, nothing official has been stated.

According to some analysts, new trends in this election indicate a strong youth influence, a Chinese swing which abandoned the DAP, which won no seats, and supported Warisan, and rejection of all Peninsula-based parties. These factors, they say, would make it very challenging for GRS to deliver according to expectations.

Well, Sabahans have spoken, and if GRS doesn’t deliver, they have a chance to correct their choice in the next state elections.

Sabah polls: A chance to break away from the status quo?

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Sabah goes to the polls on Nov 29. In this state election, two issues dominate: the 40% revenue entitlement to the state, which a Kota Kinabalu High Court has declared is constitutional, and; the politicians featured in incriminating videos implicating them in bribery who are standing for elections.

The federal government is appealing the KK court’s decision, however, clarifying that it is not appealing the 40% revenue entitlement as a constitutional requirement but some parts of the judgement.

Among other things, “the AGC is appealing against the court’s findings and declaration that Putrajaya and the Sabah government’s use of powers under Article 112D amounted to an abuse of power and a breach of constitutional duties. It is also appealing against the court ruling that found no evidence of an existing ongoing review between the two parties.” (AGC files appeal against parts of Sabah ruling, Malaysiakini, Nov 14, 2025)

It is generally accepted that the AGC would appeal a judgment it feels is appealable. When the judgement involves a constitutional point, there is no doubt that the AGC would appeal until the case reaches the Federal Court, which gives the final and definitive interpretations on constitutional issues, which then becomes binding.

With the appeal, however, the legal and constitutional processes may take a lengthy period of time before the issue is resolved.

Former Sabah Law Society president Roger Chin explains that with the appeal, there would be no change to the status quo. “In effect, the Notice of Appeal strikes at the core of the High Court’s decision. Although it does not challenge the 40 percent formula itself, it challenges every operative finding that gives the formula real effect.

“If the federal government succeeds, the 40 percent entitlement will remain law in theory but will be deprived of practical force – exactly the position Sabah has faced for decades.” (AGC files appeal against parts of Sabah ruling, Malaysiakini, Nov 14, 2025)

When the judgement was first made, Sabahans were hyped up over the constitutional legitimacy of their claim and expectations were high that the Sabah government would get that money without trouble.

Their leaders sought that the federal government would not appeal for fear that a disappointed electorate might adversely affect the outcome of the state elections.

With the appeal, candidates standing for election now have to manage the expectations of their voters and compete for voters who want immediate implementation of the ruling and others, who realise that with the appeal they may have to settle for compromises.

The first category of voters may go for Sabah for Sabahans candidates and the rest for local leaders from national parties and stomach being dictated by “a party president across the sea”, as Upko president Ewon Benedick puts it. Ewon also warned that Sabahans will lose their leverage if they vote for the latter candidates.

Not only will they lose their leverage but they will lose the state government’s accountability to the people because “a party president across the sea” is part of an appointed government without the mandate of the people. The people have seen evidences of its lack of public accountability since the current government was appointed in 2022.

If Sabahans choose leaders from national parties, it would be an endorsement of the current state-federal set-up, and the lack of public accountability that follows will be worse than what it is now.

Candidates in the state elections have a challenging task to honestly communicate the implications of the KK court’s ruling and the appeal, and the current political context to the people.

Whether Sabahans will respond to an honest appraisal of the political situation or maintain the status quo of parties indebted to federal parties is what the rest of Malaysia will be watching.

The choice is not difficult; it is obvious. Sabahans should not make an emotional choice over the 40% constitutional entitlement. Sabahans should, instead, rationally consider the options presented by the candidates, especially from Sabah parties, and choose wisely. It will work to their advantage in the long term.

Tied up with preferring Sabah parties’ candidates to local leaders of national parties is the issue of clean candidates.

Several leaders in the caretaker state government, including its Chief Minister Hajiji Noor, are implicated in bribery scandal videos released by whistleblower Albert Tei. Only two have been charged while the rest escaped the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission’s (MACC) scrutiny. Hajiji, however, has been cleared by the MACC.

Suspicions linger as to why only two were charged while the big fishes got away. Those not charged have denied any wrongdoing.

Nevertheless, many of the implicated leaders, including Hajiji, who is Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) chairman, caretaker deputy chief minister I and STAR president Jeffrey Kitingan and caretaker deputy chief minister II Dr Joachim Gunsalam, who is the acting president of Parti Bersatu Sabah, caretaker state finance minister Masidi Manjun and, Arifin Arif, the son-in-law of Sabah governor Musa Aman, are standing for election.

Will Sabah voters vote for these candidates who are now corruption-tainted even if not investigated?

Sabah voters need to bear in mind that it wasn’t the lack of the 40% that has kept the state lagging behind as one of the poorest states in Malaysia. It is their leaders who didn’t push the state forward. If corrupt or corruption-tainted leaders are reelected, the voters are as guilty as such leaders for putting them back in power.

Worse still, even with the 40% revenue entitlement, Sabah may not progress led by such leaders.

In the Nov 29 election, Sabahans have a chance to choose a new lineup of clean leaders from Sabah parties for a better future and break away from the status quo. But will they? We will know in two weeks!

A political culture without the will to do the right thing

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On Wednesday (Oct 22) Thailand’s deputy finance minister Vorapak Tanyawong resigned from his post following allegations linking him to Cambodia-based cyberscam centres, according to an AFP report.

When the allegations surfaced, Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul ordered Vorapak to submit a written explanation this week. But he resigned, saying he wanted to focus on his legal defence.

Whatever his reasons, the fact that he resigned and that the prime minister demanded an explanation from the then deputy finance minister shows a strong commitment to public accountability.

Elected public officials are expected to be above suspicion, and when they are allegedly linked to any form of corruption — even if not yet proven in court — they resign, or, at least, they should.

Thailand’s current PM and the resigned minister should be commended for having the will to hold themselves to a standard of public conduct that is above reproach.

In Malaysia, though, that will is yet to be seen!

Over the last couple of months, a whistleblower released a succession of videos implicating politicians in Sabah’s ruling coalition, Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS), in bribery scandals, but no one resigned from their govt posts. All denied involvement, saying they can’t recall, or the videos were fake or politically motivated — although the videos indicated otherwise!

Whether they can’t recall or the videos are fake or politically motivated, but if there is evidence of a scandal, shouldn’t these politicians be investigated and due action taken? No, not in Malaysia!

The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) is investigating two of the politicians implicated but the big names have been spared.

Despite the ongoing exposes, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has kept mum. In fact, he went about business as usual, mingling with GRS leaders on an official visit to Sabah. His coalition, Pakatan Harapan (PH) is, currently in the midst of discussions with GRS with regard to seat-sharing for the Sabah state elections on Nov 29, 2025. Business as usual!

The Opposition, Perikatan Nasional (PN), is no different. Its key component party, Bersatu, is split between members who want the party president, Muhyiddin Yassin, to be the PM-designate and those who want the deputy party president, Hamzah Zainuddin, for the post.

Those who support Hamzah appear to be the majority based on the statutory declarations by 120 divisions that wanted Muhyiddin to make way for Hamzah. The figure is more than half the number of divisions in the party. The leaders who got the SDs have subsequently been sacked, yet there has been no let-up among Muhyiddin’s supporters to name the former PM as the PM-designate in the next GE.

Non-supporters of Muhyiddin have no confidence that he can lead the party to form the next government.

Their reasons aside, the fact is that Muhyiddin is facing corruption charges in court and should not stand for election or be named PM-designate. But, typical of Malaysian politicians and their supporters, they want this fact overlooked and NOT to be considered as a deterrent to standing for elections.

They also give the reason that if Anwar could become PM despite his court cases, so could Muhyiddin. Anwar got a royal pardon but when he stood for election in the 2022 GE he had a court case which is still ongoing.

Anwar won that election and was appointed PM. If he is convicted, Muhyiddin is hoping that he, too, could get a royal pardon and become PM. That may take time but, but like Anwar, he could become PM while his case was ongoing.

Bersatu’s leadership issue can be easily solved if the president calls for an election for the president’s post or resigns. He may be reluctant to do either as it would mean that he could not return as PM.

A precedent was set and now for the sake of expediency, it is being followed. But should it be allowed?

Anwar was not the only one who stood for election while his court case was ongoing.

In the 2022 general elections, four politicians facing court charges stood for election. The Election Commission accepted their nomination papers with no questions asked! All were elected!

Anwar was one of them. Former DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng, former Muda president Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman, and Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi were the others. All were elected as MPs. Lim and Syed Saddiq hold no public office. Zahid, however, who in 2018 was slapped with 47 corruption charges, was named a deputy prime minister in Anwar’s Cabinet.

Malaysian leaders brazenly and openly hold on to their positions even with ongoing court cases and stand for election, claiming that the cases are politically motivated, therefore implying that they did no wrong.

They argue on the principle of innocence until proven guilty, thus justifying standing for election and staying in power despite allegations of corruption.

They do not realise that even a hint of a scandal raises questions and doubts in the minds of voters and robs them of their right to elect a candidate free from suspicions. It is the responsibility of the individual candidate to present himself/herself as a clean candidate acceptable to the people and the party must ensure that that standard is lived up to.

Leaders who act contrary to that standard have not understood that if they are associated with any scandal, it confuses the voters who will have to make a difficult choice between a clean candidate and one who they have always trusted but now is suspect. In less discerning constituencies, the latter may win — initially — until the voters wake up to the fact that they have been duped.

When leaders fail to maintain a standard of conduct expected of them for whatever reasons, they should resign to give voters the chance to choose a candidate they have no reason to doubt. The act of resignation communicates to the voters that that representative will not betray their trust. It is an honourable act.

If they won’t resign, then the voters should teach such leaders a lesson and boot them out of office.

It will be interesting to see if those implicated in the Sabah videos will stand for election in the Sabah state elections next month. If they do, it will be equally interesting to see if the voters will elect them.

If the voters don’t elect them, they will be showing themselves to be mature and discerning voters who rightfully taught these errant leaders a lesson and punished them out of office!

If they do, they will be showing up leaders who took advantage of their voters’ trust because these leaders lacked the will to do the right thing.

Happy Deepavalli!

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After nights of silence, it was nice to hear exploding firecrackers and see the skyline light up with a myriad bursts of colours when it turned midnight tonight! For more than half an hour, there was a blast of sounds and dazzling lights from all around!

The Hindus are celebrating the Festival of Lights, of good eventually winning over bad. Something we can all hold on to. At some point, good or the right thing will overcome, no matter what the current circumstances.

That’s something not only to hope for but to work towards. It’s a good motto to follow! Happy Deepavalli, folks! Have an enjoyable day and a pleasant break!

Go country on an electric train!

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Kedah padi fields from Gunung Jerai

Just to break the routine of the same-same (local politics was getting tiring since it was going nowhere!), I went on the electric train upcountry to Gunung Jerai in Kedah last Monday. It was my first ride on an electric train and a pleasant experience in packing sightseeing all in a day!

The train left KL Sentral at 7.20am and arrived in Ipoh at 9.30am, enough time for a morning snooze, and sleep-restored, I was ready for the day’s outing! I went with a group who were joined by a few others in Ipoh who also brought with them packed nasi lemak for breakfast.

There is a bar-styled cafeteria on the electric train but it serves 2in1/3in1 drinks and packaged meals. If that’s not your preference, bring your own drinks and snacks. I bought two McD coffees, poured them into a small flask and enjoyed it with snacks throughout the journey!

If you plan your trip properly, you can get off at Ipoh, sight see there and have a good meal before resuming the journey on the next train to your destination.

We didn’t get off at Ipoh as we were heading to Sungai Petani as the train doesn’t stop at Gurun from where we drive to Gunung Jerai.

Another two hours on the train and it whizzed past plantations, tree and trees, swamps, kampungs. Occasionally, we caught glimpses of the Titiwangsa Mountains. The scenery was of an old world like in Teluk Intan (old name is Teluk Anson) where I had spent my early years and which I forgot with all the development in the Klang Valley where I now live that crowded out those memories of a past world!

Sitting relaxed in cushioned seats, watching that world fly past was a reminder of how fast the urban areas in Malaysia have developed, yet, some areas remain refreshingly intact — hopefully, with the benefits of modern amenities.

The most beautiful scene we went through was after Ipoh, when the train cut through on elevated tracks across Malaysia’s first man-made lake, the Tasik Bukit Merah. The lake was built in colonial times in 1906 to impound water to irrigate the surrounding padi fields. The tracks for the electric train was built in 2013.

View of Tasik Bukit Merah from the train

Within another two hours, we reached Sungai Petani, got off, and took the pre-arranged bus to the Gurun railway station. Waiting vans took us up a winding road to a landing area on Gunung Jerai where the Gunung Jerai hill resort is situated. The summit is inaccessible.

There were shops outside the resort but they were closed. We had prepacked lunches, then walked up to the built-up resort area which opened up to a panoramic view of Kedah’s rice fields. There’s an entrance fee of RM2 per person to get into the resort area. Or pay RM5 per person for a car-cart ride to the resort for those who don’t want to walk.

When we were there, it was cloudy. It seems on a clear day visitors can see Langkawi over the sea in the distance.

It’s a pretty resort with stunning wild purple flowers lining the 15-minute walkway to the viewing areas. It also has a cafe selling drinks, cakes and snacks. And clean toilets!

Then, in vans we came down to the Gurun railway station to take the train back to Ipoh where we spent a night.

The Gurun railway station is small but at its entrance you get an outstanding view of country beauty. The station is surrounded by groves of trees with homes nestled among them. Beyond are the towering rain-forested mountains! I was so captivated by the view that I forgot to take pictures!

In Ipoh, we stayed at a fancy hotel, had a great breakfast the next day, walked around and had lunch and then went to the Ipoh railway station and took the train back home.

The train ride was enjoyable with comfortable seats and clean coaches — even the toilets were clean! I have only one complaint about the train. The overhead luggage rack was sooty, stirring up dirt and dust when luggage is pushed in with some of that stuff falling onto your clothes. That’s something that KTM, which runs the trains, needs to clean up! Otherwise, no other complaints!

I went with a group of adventurous boomers, who were good company, chatting, laughing, singing along in the train (some even dancing!) and dancing away in a session in a room we booked after dinner to let our hair down!

It was a short but well-spent one-night trip, memorable for the fun-filled company we kept and a sweet reminder of the old-country charm of where we come from.

A leaders-imposed angst people don’t need

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Early last month, Warisan president Shafie Apdal sent a warning to Sabah governor Musa Aman that he would take the latter to court if Warisan wins the upcoming state elections with a simple majority but is denied the right to form the state government with him as chief minister (CM).

Warisan plans to contest all 73 seats in the Sabah state elections that must be called within 60 days of Nov 11 this year, when the state assembly automatically dissolves.

The Sabah party is hopeful of winning a simple majority but Shafie’s warning is a reflection of the uncertainty of validating the electoral outcome because of an amendment to the state laws on the appointment of the CM and the state government.

Article 6(3) of the Sabah state constitution states: “The Yang di-Pertua Negeri shall appoint as Chief Minister a member of the Legislative Assembly who in his judgement is likely to command the confidence of a majority of the members of the Assembly.” In Sabah the governor is called the Yang di-Pertua Negeri.

This law remains intact. It is in line with Article 43(2)(a) of the federal constitution which states:  the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) shall appoint a Prime Minister who, in his judgment, is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the Dewan Rakyat.

Article 6(3) of the Sabah law, however, had another law, Article 6(7), that provides a clear instruction on how the CM is chosen. Article 6(7) states: “For the purpose of Clause (3) of this Article, where a political party has won a majority of the elected seats of the Legislative Assembly in a general election, the leader of such political party, who is a member of the Legislative Assembly, shall be the member of the Legislative Assembly who is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the assembly.”

Article 6(7) however — despite a great deal of furore, especially by the Opposition party Warisan — was repealed in May last year. This means the Sabah governor can now appoint any member of the state assembly who, in his judgement, is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the Assembly, whether or not that candidate actually has the numbers.

When Article 6(7) was deleted, the clarity it gave to Article 6(3) was removed. In its place is an ambiguity that is left to the governor to resolve, and that is the source of the angst Sabah parties not aligned to the governor are feeling and the reason for Shafie’s warning.

Musa is or was an Umno strongman in Sabah, and the fear is that Umno even without a simple majority may be chosen to form the state government on the basis that with its allies it “is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the Assembly”.

While this is sheer speculation until proven otherwise after the Sabah state elections, such a precedent occurred at the federal level, not once but twice. In 2018, after the Sheraton move, Muhyiddin Yassin of Perikatan Nasional (PN) was appointed PM even though resigned PM Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad claimed he had a majority.

In 2022, after the general elections, when the coalition Pakatan Harapan (PH) won the most seats but was unable to form a majority government because Sarawak’s GPS and Sabah’s GRS were allied with PN giving it a simple majority, PH’s leader, Anwar Ibrahim, was appointed PM, after which the then king spoke to the other parties, and GPS, GRS and Umno joined forces with Anwar.

The argument to justify the king’s action was Article 40(2)(a) of the federal constitution which states: “The Yang di-Pertuan Agong may act in his discretion in the performance of the following functions, that is to say: (a) the appointment of a Prime Minister”. 

Whether the king’s discretion means he has absolute power to appoint a PM by royal decree, or to disregard another MP’s claim of a simple majority, or to suggest the formation of a unity or any other kind of government, or direct or advise political parties to join whichever party or coalition to form a majority is something for constitutional law experts to sort out and will not be discussed here.

What is suggested here is that the ambiguity of the existing laws, whether at the federal or state levels, imposes a stress on voters. Voters have no certainty that the team they vote for, whose head they support as the next PM or CM or Mentri Besar (CM in Peninsula states), will be respected by the king, governor or sultan.

In this scenario, voters may think that their votes do not count and it may disincentivise them to vote. They are now not free to choose the leaders of their choice because that choice may be overruled by the king, governors or sultans who may be acting according to the provisions of the law but the elected leaders are failing to ensure that the laws are interpreted and applied to defend and uphold the democratic choices of the voters as espoused in the federal constitution.

In a democracy, voters should never go to the polls with the uncertainty that their vote won’t count. And it is the leaders who must ensure that the people’s votes count.

The fact that the voters’ elected representatives in Sabah chose to constrain the voter’s free choice shows that their elected representatives are more interested in forming a government by appointment rather than on the mandate of the people. It’s the same with leaders at the federal level.

The majority of Malaysian voters may not understand that their democratic rights are protected by the federal constitution and so may not fight for them. All the more reason why the leaders must fight on their behalf to protect those rights — not maintain a guilty silence, like the people have been witnessing.

Shafie has vowed that if his party wins the Sabah elections and he can form a government with a simple majority, he will restore Article 6(7).

The Sabah election will show if the voters understand their democratic rights and vote for a party/coalition that restores that right. If they do, it is an encouraging sign that the voters know their rights and will support the party that respects it.

Perhaps, at the federal level, we need a law like Article 6(7) so that a PM is chosen on the evidence of majority support from the Dewan Rakyat. Perhaps, like, Warisan, a Peninsular party/coalition will promise to introduce such a law.

Then, there will be clarity in appointing a PM with the mandate of the people. The people deserve no less

Akmal bombast fizzles out; PM reacts after

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The usually wordless Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim with regard to 3R (race, religion and royals) issues, today urged that strong action be taken against those who incite hate.

Speaking at a civil service assembly in Putrajaya, he instructed enforcement agencies to act against those fanning hate.

It is a surprising reaction from the PM considering the fact that in the past two years of his term as PM he has maintained a frustrating silence on 3R-related public issues. Perhaps, he has finally been correctly advised that if he didn’t say anything, things may get out of hand. With regard to the current issue, however, his instructions came too late to make a difference.

The PM’s comments came on the heels of a hyped-up gathering last night in Kepala Batas, Penang, over a mistake in flying an upside-down Malaysian flag by an unsuspecting citizen. A video of a hardware shop owner hoisting an upside-down Jalur Gemilang with another man recording it went viral a week ago.

It triggered a barrage of criticisms, with Umno Youth chief Akmal Saleh picking up the issue as a desecration of the national flag and demanded that the authorities take police action against the hardware shop owner, who had explained that it was a mistake because he was just trying out the flag. He later hung the flag correctly.

But Akmal was not placated. He went on a relentless tirade, berating the hardware shop owner as a traitor and threatening to converge at his shop to “teach” him how to fly the flag if the authorities failed to act.

His taunts got the DAP to go to the defence of the shop owner. DAP leaders stressed that it was a mistake and that they would not tolerate bullying and intimidation but Akmal showed no sign of backing down. He lamented that the Chinese were united behind the shop owner but that the Malays were not.

This Russian-trained doctor just could not see his words, attitude and action for what they really were, but seized the issue of a flag error to turn it into a racial issue. The exasperated DAP finally said they, too, would gather at the hardware shop — but to distribute the Malaysian flag.

So, both parties, components of Anwar’s so-called unity government, headed for a showdown at the hardware shop. Despite the heated exchange of words, there was no comment from Anwar.

A day before both parties were to meet at the hardware shop, the police asked both sides to cancel their plans. Lawyers for Liberty (LFL), however, said they would turn up to provide free legal services.

Last night (Thurs, Aug 14) was when the “meeting” took place. According to reports, all the shops shuttered down early.

Akmal later came with his supporters of a couple of hundred. Bersatu Youth also came with their supporters to show Malay solidarity. LFL came with placards urging Umno Youth not to be like zionists. But DAP did not turn up. Its veterans’ club members, instead, came to distribute flags.

According to media reports, Umno Youth held its gathering not outside the hardware shop but a little way away. The only incident of worth was that Umno Youth leaders were not happy with LFL’s placards and asked to take them down and they would go away. LFL complied and the crowd dispersed. No untoward incident.

LFL’s presence, led by its leader Zaid Malek and DAP’s absence presumably defused tensions in the absence of national leadership.

Everyone, Umno Youth, LFL and the DAP, no doubt, have the right to assemble. But when a group wants to assemble in front of a citizen’s house or shop over a mistake, that amounts to threatening a citizen’s life and privacy and is inexcusable.

It should have been prevented and the PM should have taken steps in that direction before, not after the event.

In this case, Anwar was lucky because the turnout of Umno Youth supporters was, some say, 100, and others 300. After all the bombastic words from Akmal, the turnout was relatively small. If it had been much larger, the outcome might have been different.

Perhaps that is the reason for Anwar’s post-event comments. They are a warning that any future gathering, big or small, inciting racial disharmony will face action by the authorities.

One positive thing, however, needs to be noted about the turnout of Akmal’s supporters. It was smaller than expected. The size may be indicative of an emerging trend: that more and more Malays do not really identify with the strategies that Malay leaders like Akmal use.

Perhaps, the majority of Malay voters don’t really care for racial politics and it is time for Malay leaders to step away from racial politics and come up with real issues that appeal to the people to win their support.

What the Turun Anwar rally means

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Tonight (July 26), a mammoth “Turun Anwar” rally is being planned to call for the resignation of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. Organised by the Opposition, Perikatan Nasional (PN), the rally is expected to attract thousands.

PN component partner Bersatu’s deputy president Hamzah Zainuddin claimed in Parliament that he expects about 500,000 people to attend the rally at Dataran Merdeka. If such a figure did turn up at the rally, Anwar will be faced with the daunting prospect of recognising the will of the people and stepping down or defying the people and staying on as PM.

PN may be confident of a large turnout based on feedback from the ground. Realistically, however, that figure may be hoped for rather than expected. If 500,000 people do turn up at the rally, it would be a very clear indication of the discontent on the ground and it would do well for Anwar to heed what the people want.

Even if the turnout was less than expected, even if it is only 10,000 or even less, Anwar has to take note of it seriously. A smaller crowd does not mean that the discontent is limited. It could mean the tip of the iceberg and Anwar should not wait until the submerged iceberg of discontent swells up and sweeps over!

Nevertheless, Anwar has dismissed the rally, saying that it doesn’t mean anything as his administration is intact. He has also said that he would not step down unless he loses a confidence vote in the Dewan Rakyat. It was reported in the media that he has instructed the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat to agree to a confidence or no-confidence vote should the MPs call for one.

A confidence/no-confidence vote in the Dewan Rakyat is the conventional means of removing a prime minister from office. In the current political scenario, however, even if the Speaker allows for one, the government MPs will not be free to vote according to their conscience and the outcome would likely favour the incumbent PM, for just one reason. The political parties which joined Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition to form a majority government are bound by a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) where they promise to support him for a full term. In exchange they got benefits.

So, Anwar’s deceptive confidence is understandable. The MoU will ensure he wins a confidence/no-confidence vote so he can appear magnanimous in inviting MPs to call for one knowing he will pass the test.

That direction to the Speaker to accommodate a call for a confidence/no-confidence vote, however, reveals the PM’s lack of interest in resolving the issue of a hung Parliament or the need to prove a PM’s majority support in the House. It amounts to executive interference. His direction indicates that the Speaker is not independent.

As a PM who claims to be a reformist, Anwar would have proven his word true if the first thing he had done after being appointed PM was to implement a process by law to call for a confidence/no-confidence vote to solve the urgent issue of a hung Parliament and in choosing a PM with the majority support of the Dewan Rakyat.

With a two-thirds majority, albeit by an undemocratic MoU, he could have easily done it. The fact that he didn’t simply shows that he himself wasn’t confident of his purported majority support of the MPs.

Now, if the PM is sincere, he would cancel the MoU, free the MPs to vote as they wish, set in place the proper process to call for confidence/no-confidence vote and leave it to the MPs to decide what to do.

Since he hasn’t done that and if today’s rally draws thousands, Anwar has to consider their request and resign. If he fails to do that, the Opposition now has very strong grounds to lobby government MPs to support a call for a confidence/no-confidence vote on the grounds that a large segment of the people have no confidence in him.

MPs who understand the democratic principle of accountability will support PN unless they want to lose their voters. It is not worth risking that.

Today’s rally will have a bearing on Anwar’s future as PM.

A path back to rule by the mandate of the majority

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Of late, there has been an increase in criticisms against Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, including calls for him to resign or take a leave of absence. Anwar’s premiership has been marked by criticisms from Day 1, but these calls amidst the criticisms have become more frequent, especially after a couple of events that paint the PM in a very poor light.

The first involved Anwar seeking a ruling by the High Court to refer to the Federal Court to determine legal questions as to whether a PM has immunity against civil suits. It may appear as a legitimate query by a PM, except for the fact that it was a sitting PM with a sexual assault case pending against him in court who was seeking such immunity.

Few bought his argument that his action was an attempt to protect the institution of the Prime Minister’s Office. Most saw through his guise.

Early this month, the High Court dismissed his attempt as “baseless claims” but Anwar is appealing.

This was followed by another court decision involving his former aide, Yusoff Rawther, who had taken the sexual assault case against Anwar. While the case was pending, Yusoff was slapped with charges of drug trafficking and possessions of two imitation pistols and held in remand for nine months but was acquitted of both charges by the High Court on June 12, suggesting they were trumped-up charges.

Soon after that, the news leaked out that a senior judge was reported to have been questioned by the Judicial Appointments Commission (JAC) for allegedly being involved in judicial interference. The Bar Council announced on Wednesday that it was seeking High Court orders to get the minutes of the JAC meeting in May to ascertain the allegations of judicial interference.

The response to these actions has been intense. Online criticisms are heavily slanted against Anwar, with many calling for his resignation and expressing their sense of betrayal that his promised reforms were not delivered. Opposition leaders have repeatedly urged caution over these issues involving alleged abuse of power.

Two days ago, two-time former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad lent weight to the issue of judicial interference by holding a roundtable discussion by the Secretariat to Defend the Judicial System which called on Anwar to declare that he has a conflict of interest and to recuse himself from the process of appointing senior judges.

The secretariat proposed that Anwar take a leave of absence until Yusuff’s lawsuit against him was resolved.

Another event that seriously damaged Anwar’s image as a reformer with popular support was when about 100 Universiti Malaysia Sabah students held an anti-corruption rally in Kota Kinabalu on Sunday at which they burned Anwar’s caricature. The students held the rally to protest against the lack of action taken against corruption in Sabah.

In a thriving democracy, a beleaguered PM whose decisions are constantly criticised would either resign or seek a confidence vote to test his support. Or, fellow MPs will call for a confidence vote.

In Malaysia, there is no provision by law to call for a confidence vote unless the PM calls for it. There are also no procedures to follow in the event of a hung Parliament to find a PM with the support of the majority of the Dewan Rakyat. To complicate matters, the partners and allies in the current administration are bound by an MoU to keep Anwar for a full term.

But if Anwar loses the case to Yusoff, he has no choice but to resign, irrespective of the MoU. But then he leaves the premiership with his reputation gone. It would be better for Anwar to resign now and not be under pressure to use his position to find some means to stay in power for a full term.

For now, there is one way for Anwar and his government to resign and seek the mandate of the people to govern. The people who put him in power in the first place should ask him to. These are the previous king, Pakatan Harapan partners DAP and Amanah and allies Sabah’s GRS and Sarawak’s GPS.

Meanwhile, the Opposition, Perikatan Nasional (PN), should start lobbying for majority support so that a legitimate government with proof of majority support will be ready to take over the government and govern according to the mandate of the people.

This should be done for the sake of the nation and to reestablish our tradition of forming a government on the mandate of the majority.