All posts by Gertrude

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About Gertrude

I am a little left of centre 21st Century person. What all that means you'll discover as you read my blog!

Why we sing ‘Peace on Earth’ …

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Peace on Earth and goodwill to all men is one of the many refrains we hear in the Christmas season in December. Together with wreaths, glittering festoons, and the tinsel, ribbons, baubles and lights of Christmas trees, they create the merry ambiance in which Christians celebrate the birth of Jesus Christ, Immanuel — God with us.

The Christmas decor is, of course, not what Christmas is all about. It simply creates the mood to celebrate what Christians through the centuries have known in our hearts with or without the decor — the hope that Jesus Christ, who we believe in, represents, and the result of which we experience firsthand that God, indeed, is in our midst. And that we celebrate unapologetically.

However, that does not mean that we close our eyes to the pain and suffering around us or turn a deaf ear to the cries of loss, despair and destruction that reach out to us. This, precisely, is why we celebrate. We are so fully aware of human reality and how unbearable it can be that we celebrate to send the message, all is not lost.

There is always hope, hope that drives us to push against the darkness of human mortality, of trauma and tragedy, and find a way out to escape or transcend it.

Some people, especially those who have been greatly moved by the suffering of the Palestinians in the on-going Israeli-Hamas conflict, have said that Christians should mute our celebrations of Christmas in solidarity with the Palestinians. While we are sympathetic to the plight of the Palestinians and to their supporters, we have to say to these critics that they have missed the point of Christmas entirely.

We celebrate not to gloat over the misfortune of others; we ourselves have suffered and know what it is like. We celebrate and invite them to join in our festivities to find a little respite, a little taste of joy, love, and acceptance, a little forgetfulness, and a little insight of hope to get going again.

Christmas is meant to refresh and help us find the hope to live despite the pain of human reality. So, not just in Palestine but everywhere in the world where Christians celebrate Christmas grandly, normally or simply, my hope and prayer is that those who are struggling with life will find a little relief in the decor, the spirit, the festivities, the warm homes and the songs of Christmas.

This is the season to hope for better things. Peace on Earth and goodwill to all men and women …..

Bersatu needs to put nation first

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One day after Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin resigned and then retracted his resignation, Bukit Gantang MP Syed Abu Hussin Hafiz Syed Abdul Fasal stood up in the Dewan Rakyat and declared his support for Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

Earlier, the same MP had stood up and said he would support Anwar if he were given RM50 million. This time, however, he made no mention of his RM50 million demand and declared support without any conditions.

No one knows yet if the constituency development funds (CDF) were immediately released to him. But the four MPs who declared their support for the PM previously are said to have received their CDFs. Why Anwar wants to deprive the opposition Perikatan Nasional (PN) of CDFs — which is the people’s right to have — is hard to fathom except that it demonstrates his abandonment of democratic principles.

Whatever his reasons, it is leverage he is using to get PN’s obeyance and Muhyiddin risks losing more PN MPs if he is one of the reasons why his MPs are one by one declaring their support for Anwar.

Muhyiddin may have realised that he was losing support and decided to resign to test that support. A howl of protest from the floor at Bersatu’s annual general meeting last Friday and at his wife’s behest made him change his mind. These factors, however, do not indicate the exact level of support for him unless he stands for election.

The party supreme council also rejected his resignation and Muhyiddin in his closing speech said he would defend his position at the party elections next year.

This simply means Anwar’s unity government is now secure as PN may ease up on any effort to bring about a change in government until next year’s party election. As long as Muhyiddin continues to helm Bersatu, Anwar’s government is not under threat. But a change of party president or president-designate would be a threat.

The concern to urge Muhyiddin to reconsider his decision might have been due to the fear that without any “big name” in Bersatu, PN would lose its pull factor. Political analysts also said that Muhyuiddin had retracted his resignation to avoid infighting.

Yet, despite Muhyiddin bearing the “big name” label, and an impressive win in last November’s general elections, he was unable to win Selangor and Negri Sembilan in the state elections in August and lost all the subsequent by-elections in constituencies south of the four PAS-held states up north, namely Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu.

Although PN won more votes, it lost the seats mainly because of over-reliance on PAS which only has a limited appeal to moderate Malays and non-Malays who combined form the majority in the states south of the PAS-ruled northern states.

The question to ask is whether Muhyiddin can appeal to this still undecided group of voters. If he can’t, he should resign and let a new crop of leaders who do not rely on PAS and are more confident of winning the support of this large untapped reserve of voters, to lead the party.

Another question to ask is whether Muhyiddin is a strong factor in attracting MPs, especially in Umno, to join it by triggering by-elections. Apparently, so far, no MP has left Umno for Bersatu after Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi purged the party of dissidents. They have joined PAS but not Bersatu.

Umno secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki said in a recent interview that MPs in Barisan Nasional of which Umno is the lead party would not leave the coalition as they may face a claim of RM100 million.

With a new Bersatu leadership, however, Umno MPs may see in it a more likely possibility of forming a government and may be willing to take the risk and resign en masse triggering simultaneous by-elections and face the possibility of a fine in court. By that time a new government may be formed and the courts may dismiss the case describing it as purely academic.

If Umno MPs choose not to leave the party, they face the near-certainty of losing their seats in the next elections because Umno has lost credibility with its support base.

The fear that Muhyiddin’s resignation would lead to infighting can be easily allayed if Muhyiddin himself undertakes the responsibility of overseeing the transition to a leadership of not just the president but a president and a team solidly backing him.

Such a team will be a clear threat to the unity government because people will see in it an inherent capability to form a government that is Malay-majority based and inclusive of other Malaysian communities.

Bersatu will thus be seen as a truly national party and deserving to form a government. That commitment to put the nation ahead as a Malay-majority-led government encompassing all Malaysian communities rather than just a Malay-majority-led coalition must become Bersatu’s overriding strategy. It is Bersatu rather than PAS that can take the initiative to achieve it.

The Malays voted for PN on the basis that it would form a government. Each day PN fails to realise this objective, disillusionment will set in as evidenced by the PN MPs who declared support for Anwar and the coalition risks losing its voters.

It is, therefore, imperative that Muhyiddin undertakes the transition to a new leadership now. The argument that a party needs a “big name” is not true. Parties can’t have big names all the time. Barack Obama, Joe Biden and Rishi Sunak were not big names in their parties. So, how did they become presidents and a prime minister? They had — and have — very good teams.

There are people in Bersatu who together can form a good team. Bersatu, more than PAS or Umno or PKR, has candidates who can form a capable team to lead the nation. Muhyiddin should capitalise on it and get all the factions to come together in an alliance where each faction’s leader takes turns to be the party president with all the factions joining forces to back him.

When that happens, Bersatu will be seen as getting its act together and it may attract more MPs to join it and more voters to support it.

The Bersatu president may become the next prime minister but he needs a strong team to back him. With a strong team behind him, he will be able to move forward and stand up for the sovereignty of the nation. He and his team will get their job done and in a crisis of a conflict of interests have the confidence to uphold the federal constitution. That’s the kind of leader the people will trust and respect.

The way forward is to get a strong team for the good of the nation. Good luck, Bersatu.

Still waiting for answers to MP’s queries

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Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) Pasir Gudang MP Hassan Karim asked a couple of pertinent questions in the Dewan Rakyat this week regarding Elon Musk’s broadband provider, Starlink, which, he said, was given a “special privilege” to operate in Malaysia with a 100 percent equity. What is interesting to note is that Hassan’s questions — up to now — have not been answered.

Hassan claimed that Starlink was given a broadband network provider licence for 10 years and was allowed to operate in the country without the participation of local companies, which, he said, could threaten data security.

He felt that allowing foreign countries to dominate the country’s space could pose a threat to national security, adding that 100 percent foreign-owned companies operating locally were also against the country’s economic policy which required a local equity partnership of a minimum of 30 percent in such companies.

Saying that this was not a “matter to be treated lightly”, Hasan wanted the government to give more details such as which other companies have obtained privileges similar to Starlink, and who had given the approval for this sort of licence.

These are very relevant questions as the special exemption indicates a change in economic policy and has a direct bearing on the equity participation of bumiputras. Hence, it is extremely puzzling that no minister from the government has attempted to answer Hassan’s questions as yet, and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim must assume responsibility for this silence.

Just as puzzling is that although this is a Malay issue and a sensitive Malay issue at that, no other Malay MP has sought clarification from the PM. Even Opposition MPs who are supposed to represent the majority of Malays have failed to query the PM on this issue.

It is the same with Anwar’s billion-ringgit Memorandums of Understanding (MoU). No MP is querying the details. Who arranged for these MoUs? The finance and economic affairs ministries? How were they able to arrange for these meetings in such a short span of time? In just a year, Anwar signed a number of billion-ringgit MoUs but nobody knows the details as the only piece of information the government has released is the value of the MoUs and that they were signed.

But Anwar announces that foreign investments are coming in because of political stability under the unity government. How could these billion-ringgit deals have been set up in just one year when Anwar is not known to have close ties with the countries where the deals have been signed and with the businessmen in these countries?

Perhaps, he has powerful allies who have these connections and who are facilitating these deals. This means, these “foreign investments” are not due to Anwar’s economic policies but due to the influence of his allies. Nothing wrong with having powerful allies who help bring in investments but MPs have a right to query to ensure all deals are above board and conform with the federal constitution.

Towards that end, Anwar must be willing to give details of MoUs and privileges given to some foreigners, especially in Parliament. He can not be silent and MPs should not let him get away without answering their queries.

By readily giving information on such foreign investments, Anwar will prove that he is not beholden to these allies and in the face of a conflict of interests, he will stand up for parliamentary democracy and will not end up kissing hands and doing as suggested.

Waiting to see Syed Saddiq back

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Muar MP Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman did the right thing in stepping down as Muda president until he can clear his name in court. He is still an MP, and, hopefully, will continue to raise issues of concern to the people in the Dewan Rakyat.

Found guilty of criminal breach of trust (CBT) involving RM1.12 million of Bersatu Youth funds by the High Court, he was sentenced to seven years’ jail, two strokes of the rotan and an RM10m fine. To many, it is a disproportionate sentence to the crime. The sentence, however, has been stayed pending his appeal.

This up-and-coming young politician with a promising future has been brutally thrown off course by vengeful politics. Until his case is disposed of, he will be facing an uncertain future. Right now, understandably, he may be feeling down in the dumps, thinking what’s ahead is the daunting wilderness.

It may be the wilderness he is going to have to walk through but he does not have to wallow in it in despair. Others have had to walk through the wilderness, too. And many came out of it stronger and better people.

No doubt some never made it through; some made it only to lose themselves never to find the mental balance so necessary to live.

But, Syed Saddiq, isn’t one of them. He’s a winner, who has come through so far, and, if he finds his way through and out of the wilderness experience, he is going to go further than he can dream of. When that happens, my only hope is that he will be an example of a leader who others will want to follow.

If by chance, he reads this article, I have a few words of encouragement for him. Firstly, walk, one step at a time. Never stop to wallow but to rest, recover and recreate and then, walk.

Secondly, while walking do a little soul-searching. Where did I go wrong? What could I have done better? Be determined to do better the next time.

Thirdly, explore. What options do I have? What skills can I develop? Take the time available to study the federal constitution and become familiar with it and the principles it espouses. So that when the time comes to represent the people again, you will serve confidently knowing that you are operating within the rule of law. Don’t be like the politicians of the day, willing to compromise the mandate of the people for power and money.

Lastly, don’t walk alone. In essence, we always walk alone. But, along the way, be open to people who extend a hand a friendship, and if they would like to, let them walk with you. It will be an enriching experience for both.

The wilderness may be for a short or long time. No matter how long it is, the barrenness of it demands something from us to add colour to it. In doing so, we become people who can impact our world.

Sometime in the near future, the people will be expecting Syed Saddiq back. When that happens, hopefully, Malaysia will be glad that one of her sons is back where he should be.

What’s worse than a bad government?

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Not an incompetent one. Not even a corrupt or autocratic government if it were elected by the people. But an unelected government that does not respect the mandate of the people.

That is what Malaysians witnessed helplessly in the past three years as three governments were formed overruling the mandate of the people. Muhyiddin Yassin’s Perikatan Nasional (PN) and Ismail Sabri Yaakob’s Umno-PN governments were appointed governments. So is current Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s Pakatan Harapan (PH)-led unity government.

In other words, all three are unconstitutional governments; they were not installed on the mandate of the people, which explains why the first two did not last long and why the third will also not last long. The first was removed by a power-crazy Umno, and the second by an early general election triggered by strong criticisms of an ineffective administration. The third will likely be removed by an opposition that has the support of the majority but was out-maneuvered to form a government.

An unconstitutional government always faces the risk of being thrown out by parties who are able to do so by any means as evidenced by the past two administrations. In the same way, the threat of a change of government will continue to hang over the unity government and prevent it from being effective.

Anwar’s government will be unable to execute policies, whether long-term or short-term, pending another political upheaval leading to a change of government in the immediate future. Investors will prefer to take a wait-and-see approach. This means the economy won’t move forward despite all his talk, billion ringgit Memorandums of Understanding (MoU) and suggestions from powerful allies.

As long as the threat of a change of government hangs over his head, Anwar will be unable to execute development plans.

That is the problem with an unconstitutional government. It will be unable to move forward because responsible MPs will strive to restore constitutional integrity.

If we have unconstitutional governments it is because MPs allowed the mandate of the people to be overruled. These MPs need to understand that their first duty is to their voters and not sell their votes for expediency — whether political, fiscal or religious.

It is unbelievable how some of these MPs’ statements reveal their lack of understanding of democracy. Take Deputy Prime Minister Fadillah Yusof who actually told political parties not to contest in tomorrow’s (Nov 4)Jepak state elections because GPS (his party) will win anyway and contesting is simply a waste of time and resources! Why even hold elections then? Just appoint assemblypersons. Then we will have an autocracy.

Such statements should not be coming from MPs, but it has and it simply shows their lack of commitment to the parliamentary democracy this country practises. That is the reason why there is political instability because our MPs are not fighting for the people according to the democratic principles as prescribed in the federal constitution but allow expediency to take precedence over constitutional integrity.

MPs must be committed to restoring constitutional integrity and do everything they can to achieve it. PN must be commended for fighting to ensure that the mandate of the majority is restored.

Until constitutional integrity is restored, there will be instability and Anwar’s government will face an uncertain future and will be unable to implement development plans, which means the people suffer. The longer it stays in government, the longer the people suffer.

For the moment, after PN failed to win the Pelangai state elections, the unity government can enjoy a little respite. The idea was if PN won Pelangai, it would mean it would have the support of the people and the confidence to trigger a slew of by-elections which if they win will give them an outright majority to form the next government.

That did not work out as expected but Anwar should not think his full term as prime minister is now secure.

As in the way of life, when out of the blue a wild card is dealt, a breakthrough follows. If that wild card appears, it will be to PN’s advantage. When that happens, the MPs must once again choose sides — free of the encumbrances of an MoU — to ensure that a constitutionally formed government is set up.

Perhaps, that wild card has already been dealt. If it has and PN recognises it, act wisely, not just for the good of the country but for the good of humanity. Only good will follow.

Islamic Malaysia — Tuan Ibrahim is right and wrong

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Speaking at a press conference at the PAS muktamar (annual general meeting) last weekend, the party’s deputy president, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Mat, asserted that Malaysia is not a secular country but Islamic.

Tuan Ibrahim was responding to Kepong DAP MP Lim Lip Eng who had suggested that PAS accept Malaysia as a secular country if it wishes to win non-Malay voters to its side.

Tuan Ibrahim said that Islam is the official religion of the federation, thus, implying Malaysia is an Islamic nation.

Like many others who claim that Malaysia is an Islamic country, Tuan Ibrahim’s belief is also based on the federal constitution which clearly states that Islam is the official religion, the Malay language is the official language, Malay culture is the national culture and the Malays enjoy certain special privileges.

Based on this clearly stated position of the Malays in the federal constitution, and by the fact that they form the majority race in the country, it is correct to say that Malaysia is an Islamic country.

However, drawing the conclusion that Malaysia is an Islamic nation, it must be stressed that by “Islamic”, the federal constitution means “Islamic” in character.

If PAS regards Malaysia as an Islamic nation in character, espousing Muslim values in the administration of government, non-Malays would have no issue with it — as long as non-Malay interests and sensitivities are respected.

But, if PAS uses the same texts in the federal constitution to slippery slide to the conclusion that Malaysia is to be governed by an Islamic form of government, that would be an illogically derived conclusion and unconstitutional. Non-Malays would reject it outright.

Nowhere in the federal constitution is Malaysia described as having an Islamic form of government. (Please correct me if I am wrong.) If our founding fathers wanted an Islamic form of government, it would have been clearly stated in the federal constitution. It is not, because there were significant non-Muslim communities in Malaya at that time like the Chinese, Orang Asli and Indians. Since the formation of Malaysia, these communities now include the Christian bumiputras in Sabah and Sarawak and all these communities would find an Islamic form of government totally unacceptable.

By stating that there is freedom of religions, the federal constitution recognises the rights of non-Muslims and an Islamic form of government would be untenable if those rights are to be accepted and respected.

So, PAS must make that distinction between a government that is Islamic in character and one that is an Islamic state. Without making this distinction, PAS would not be showing its sincerity to abide by the constitution and respect the rights of the non-Malays. It would, in fact, be attaching its own interpretation to the federal constitution to justify its long-held desire to form an Islamic state.

Not only the non-Malays but Malays themselves would not want an Islamic form of government while they may have no issue with a government that is Islamic in character. As such, when voters — Malays and non-Malays — realise that PAS does not make that distinction, it is very likely that PAS will begin to lose support and it is very unlikely that PAS will be able to form the next government.

PAS must also show that it will consider non-Malay interests by seeking to understand the latter’s point of view and not insist on its own.

For example, the “kafir” issue. Tuan Ibrahim explained that the word comes from the Arabic word “kafarah”, which means concealing the truth, and that non-Muslims conceal the truth, which means “they are unable to see the truth in Islam”.

That is his view, but he failed to explain that the usage of the term has made it derogatory and a slight to non-Muslims when they are referred to as “kafir”. If PAS is serious about respecting the rights and feelings of non-Muslims, it should stop using words considered derogatory to non-Muslims.

If PAS doesn’t consider non-Muslim concerns and insists on imposing its views on us, even when it is hurtful, PAS will never get the support of non-Muslim voters nor of the more open-minded Muslim voters who see this as a form of injustice.

This would mean that PAS would be unable to form the next government despite being the leading Malay-based party in the country. In fact, without non-Malay support, even PAS voters will realise the party will be unable to form a government and will gradually withdraw their support.

What really is the PM saying?

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Amusingly, Perikatan Nasional (PN) MPs taking digs at Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim over his comments on the maha-rich (very rich) in his Budget 2024 speech have made some impact. Anwar responded with a clarification that he wasn’t against the maha-rich but that he wanted to remove the government subsidy given to them.

While the ribbing in Parliament has taken the sting out of the issue, it exposes underlying issues that Anwar has yet to address. He made his intention known but gave no reasons for his decision.

The understanding is that government subsidies to bumiputra businessmen were aimed at giving them the means to increase bumiputra corporate wealth and subsequently increase bumiputra employment in the private sector. That strategy succeeded as bumiputra corporate wealth and employment in the private sector have both increased considerably.

So, what are the implications of wanting to remove the subsidies? Is the prime minister saying that bumiputra corporate wealth and employment have reached an acceptable level and therefore there is no longer any need for further government help to achieve these twin objectives? If that is the rationale for removing the subsidies then that is what the PM must explain.

Perhaps he feels that there are sufficient bumiputra entrepreneurs and they are able to compete on their own and no longer need any help from the government and removing the subsidies is part of his intent to liberalize the private sector. Well, he should say so and explain by giving relevant facts and figures to substantiate his point.

In the absence of a cogent explanation for his decision, it appears as if he made a decision for personal reasons or based on hearsay and demonstrated a lack of understanding of the primary reasons for introducing the subsidies in the first place.

Anwar was a finance minister in the Cabinet of the then Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad under whose leadership strategies were introduced to help bumiputras acquire corporate wealth and increase their employment in the private sector. It is quite surprising that now, as prime minister, Anwar has failed to understand the reasons for the subsidies.

Anwar may feel there has been too much of abuse of these subsidies and he wants to remove the subsidies to cut down on corruption. If there were, he should go for the corrupt. Ironically, some of these maha-rich who were taken to court on corruption charges went off scot-free on his watch and hold significant ministerial posts in his Cabinet but he sees no disconnect between what he says and what happens under his administration.

If the subsidies are removed, would that mean that his government will not help to increase bumiputra corporate wealth and employment in the private sector? If that is his intention, he should make that clear, too, and be prepared to face the storm of opposition for steering away from the affirmative action strategies put in place by his predecessors and risk a further erosion of support for his unity government.

Anwar has announced that private-funded initiatives (PFI) will form the bulk of investments. Who then will be eligible to undertake the PFIs? Those who became rich and maha-rich without subsidies? So, his PFIs will make the rich and especially the maha-rich — who only have the resources to take on a PFI — even richer? Will he then be widening the gap between the rich and the poor or closing it?

Anwar needs to give proper explanations to queries in Parliament based on expert advice, facts, evidence and statistics and refrain from making cavalier statements that only make him look like a spin doctor rather than a prime minister.

Pelangai by-election — PN’s missed chance

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The political climate was ripe for Perikatan Nasional (PN) to win the Pelangai state by-election last Saturday, but the coalition didn’t. Despite discontent over Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s dismissal not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA) and the lack of reforms and economic upliftment under Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s administration, PN lost.

It is, no doubt, to PN’s credit that it lost by a smaller majority of 2,949 compared to the 4,048 majority the Umno candidate, Johari Harun, got in the general election last November. The state by-election was called following Johari’s death in the Elmina plane crash in August.

In a small state constituency such as Pelangai with only 16,456 eligible voters and which is an Umno stronghold, a 3,000-vote loss may seem small. Why then was PN unable to trigger a dramatic swing of that small number to its side and win?

This is the question PN needs to ask and examine the factors that caused their defeat when the political environment was conducive to their win.

Two factors come to mind. Firstly, PN read the ground incorrectly. It read the ground correctly in the six-state elections in August and fielded a majority of PAS candidates in the north where it won three states. But, south of these states, fielding PAS candidates did not produce the desired results.

In the southern states of Selangor and Negeri Sembilan and in Pelangai, it is apparent that Malay voters, particularly Umno voters, do not regard PAS candidates in the same way the conservative north does.

It is also apparent that these same Malay voters want an alternative choice to Umno as evidenced by the fact that an increasing number is choosing PN but there are still many who rather vote for the devil they know than the deep blue sea.

PN needs to address what is withholding the latter from swinging to its side.

Secondly, if PN had fielded a Bersatu candidate in Pelangai, would the results have been different?

As long as PN keeps fielding PAS candidates to ride on the green wave which clearly does not exist in the southern states, it is sending the message that PN will be a PAS-dominant coalition. That is a turn-off to non-Malay voters and many Malay voters.

In the current political climate, where disillusionment with the ruling unity coalition is considerably high and rising as each passing day reveals the behind-the-scenes political hanky-panky going on to keep the unity coalition in government, a PAS-dominant PN may be a reluctant alternative.

Voters may have been open to voting for the PAS candidate in Pelangai. But on the eve of the elections, the PAS-led Terengganu government pulled out its gymnasts from participating in Sukma 2024 on the grounds that their outfits were not Syariah-compliant. At the same time, Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin announced that if PN wins Pelangai and triggers a switch of assemblypersons to its side to form the next government, PAS deputy president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man would be the next menteri besar of Pahang.

Both these announcements would have spooked not just the non-Malays but the Malays themselves who would have an idea as to what to expect should PAS win. That would have been enough to change their mind about voting for the PAS candidate.

Voters, including Malay voters, are not that taken up by PAS. It was apparent in Selangor and Negeri Sembilan. PN needs to ask itself if fielding PAS candidates rather than Bersatu candidates is working in its favour or against it. It is certainly working in favour of Umno because Umno is keeping its seats.

A PAS-dominant PN is not delivering the expected votes in the southern states. But a Bersatu-dominant PN might. A Bersatu-dominant PN will show that PAS’ extreme ways will be held in check and that minority interests will not be suppressed by religious domination and that would have a greater appeal to both the reluctant Malays and non-Malays.

Bersatu needs to start building itself up and fielding capable, people-serving and constitutionally-aware candidates in subsequent elections, especially in the non-PAS-ruled states. They should talk about how they would better the incumbent unity government in terms of policies for Malays and non-Malays and offer effective action plans that will not sideline any community in Malaysia.

Bersatu rather than PAS can demonstrate that PN is a coalition for all Malaysians and that it would not sacrifice non-Malay interests for the sake of a Malay-majority government. As a Malay-majority coalition, if it shows itself inclusive of non-Malay interests, it would have a wider appeal and in that confidence, it should field a Bersatu candidate in the next election should such an opportunity arise.

The results might be the very turnaround PN is seeking. PN won’t know for sure until this strategy is tested.

MP allocations, MPs and Muda

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Muar MP and Muda president Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman has made an impact on Parliament after moving from the government side to the Opposition bench. His queries on allocations for MPs have exposed the unity government’s lack of commitment to reforms.

He raised the issue that his allocation was stopped after he moved to the Opposition bench and said that the Pakatan Harapan (PH) promises of reforms were “lies”.

MP allocations have been a persistent issue raised by Opposition MPs in Parliament and despite a supposedly more liberal and previously reform-minded now status quo maintaining unity government, it remains an unresolved issue.

There really is no good reason why Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim should not give equal allocations to all MPs because it is not his money; it is taxpayers’ money and if a certain amount is allocated to MPs for constituency work, it is democratic to distribute it to all MPs. Failing to do so is simply being autocratic.

Anwar wants the Opposition to follow his example of asking his predecessor Ismail Sabri Yaakob for allocations for PH and PH-allied MPs. That was possible because he had signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Sabri to support the government. The Opposition — no longer a threat to the government — gave Sabri no reason not to comply. Although it was a successful bid, however, it wasn’t democratic because some MPs did not get the allocations.

MP allocations should not be used as leverage to get MPs to conform. It is taxpayers’ money that is the MPs’ right to have to serve their constituents and prime ministers have no right to withhold it and give it to whoever and whenever they wish.

Anwar could have broken away from the practice of the past and easily introduced a law or amendments to ensure that all allocations are equally given to all MPs. There is no justifiable reason why Anwar has failed to introduce such a law when it is in his power to do so.

The prime minister has not understood that his lack of action on this issue will backfire on him and the party that will suffer most from it will be his own, PKR. If an equal MP allocation law is not initiated now, when PH is no longer in government — that might happen sooner than expected — it is Anwar’s own party, PKR, which, as the Opposition, will suffer most without allocations.

PH partner DAP can raise private funds and could survive without MP allocations. Amanah, its other partner, if it can not survive has the option to join another coalition. But, what will become of PKR? Anwar has to think of his own party as well.

Syed Saddiq alluded to this when he raised the issue of MP allocations but all the queries are falling on deaf ears because MPs are not holding the prime minister to democratic principles and the federal constitution.

It is time that MPs started doing their homework on what the federal constitution states regarding the issues brought up in the Dewan Rakyat and argue and seek clarifications based on it.

Even with regard to Deputy Prime Minister and Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s dismissal not amounting to a dismissal (DNAA), the questions regarding the PM’s role was restricted to the conversation he had with former Attorney-General Idrus Harun who had sought for Zahid’s DNAA.

Questions should have been asked about the reasons for extending the tenure of the AG and the constitutional basis for the decision. MPs should have a sense of what issues would be raised and seek clarification based on the constitution and principles of parliamentary democracy.

Even with regard to the sensitive issues of race, religion and royalty, the prime minister can be queried for the constitutional basis of his decisions. Constitutionally, MPs can not question the royals of their decisions and conduct. There is no need to. But MPs owe it to the people to question the prime minister of any decision or issue pertaining to royalty with regard to the running of the government.

If MPs know what the constitution says on the issues of race, religion and royalty, it would give them the confidence to query the PM with regard to these issues and hold him to abide by the rules of parliamentary democracy and the federal constitution.

The people are not interested in whatever personal explanations or bureaspeak the government spews. The people want to know if the government is operating within the confines of the law, the federal constitution and the principles of parliamentary democracy that we practise. Only MPs who know and understand democratic principles will have the courage to raise such issues and ground the debate according to the constitution. It will expose the abuse of power and poor governance.

Syed Saddiq, the lone people’s representative from Muda in the Dewan Rakyat, is doing his job but he needs more to join him. There should be more Muda representatives in Parliament and the state governments to fight on behalf of the people.

That can happen only if Muda proves to be a well-set-up grassroots-based organization. That’s the first thing Muda should do: Go town to town, city to city, and sign up members. When they have enough, hold party elections so that every person holding office in Muda is elected. It can then participate in a state or federal election knowing that it has a grassroots base that can be mobilised to get more voters.

If Muda gets itself more organised from the grassroots upwards, it can enter elections confidently and expect better results.