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The solution? A confidence vote without the MoU

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It should surprise no one that the unity government from day one has been faced with the threat of its removal. In fact, it should be welcomed for the simple reason that it is an unconstitutional government because its appointed prime minister has yet to prove he has the support of the majority of the MPs in the Dewan Rakyat as required by the federal constitution.

The MPs know it — except for the constitutionally ignorant ones — and so do all the discerning voters that Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim does not have majority support. Perhaps, he knows it, too, and he may have realised that he had made a mistake when he called for a confidence vote after he made all the political parties involved sign a Memorandum of Understanding that they won’t vote against him as prime minister.

Anwar won that vote with a two-thirds majority because all the MPs whose parties were bound by the MoU had no choice but to vote according to the party. Not allowed to vote freely according to the interests of the voters, because of the MoU, how can that confidence vote legitimise his unity government?

That is the crux of the problem. The point is this issue can be easily resolved. Quash the MoU and call for a confidence vote. That is the constitutional way of legitimising a government when no side has a majority — not the way Anwar went about forming the unity government.

If, indeed, it was a mistake, it can be rectified, as said earlier, without an MoU, and if Anwar himself calls for a motion for a confidence vote.

As it is, under Anwar, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has called previous premiers for questioning on corruption issues. It has also called former finance minister Daim Zainuddin who held office about 40 years ago for questioning also on suspicion of corruption based on the Pandora Papers.

These are serious allegations levelled at these former high-ranking officials. But with what authority is Anwar allowing these investigations when he does not have the mandate of the majority to do so? This can be considered as abuse of power of the highest order because he is acting without majority support and therefore imposing his will on the majority. That is not democratic but dictatorial.

The issue is not whether there was corruption in the dealings of these former public servants but whether Anwar has the right to be PM without majority support and to undertake such actions without the mandate of the people.

He can not hide behind the king for appointing him nor on the MoU for continuing in government as usual. Without a proven majority, he can not claim that he is leading a constitutional government.

The only solution now — even if it is more than one year too late — is to prove the validity of his government. If Anwar has reason to believe he does not have the support of the majority of the MPs — not political parties as it is the MP’s vote that constitutes support not the parties’ word or signing of an MoU — he should call for a confidence vote.

It is not fair of him to ask the Opposition to prove his validity when he knows their motion for a no-confidence vote may be rejected by the Speaker or relegated to the bottom of the businesses of the day and never see the light of day. In addition, because of the MoU, the Opposition knows they may not get the support of the MPs even of those who want a change of government.

Anwar knows all this. So, asking the Opposition to prove his validity is just a ploy because he knows they won’t win.

Anwar needs to show that he is serious about proving that he has the majority support of the Dewan Rakyat. He should prove it without an MoU. He himself has said that the Opposition doesn’t have the support to call for a no-confidence motion. So, he has nothing to fear.

By calling for a confidence vote, the prime minister will settle the issue of the validity of the unity government once and for all. Whether he wins or the Opposition wins, overnight there will be stability because a constitutional government would be formed. All these unceasing moves to topple the government will immediately stop.

If at all such a move is resorted to in the future it will be for very good reasons that MPs or a political party withdraws support. In the immediate future, however, there would be stability and a government will run unobstructed.

I may be sounding like a broken record. But the legitimacy of a government is found in its adherence to the federal constitution in our form of government. A precedent has been set when the process of forming a government when no party or coalition has a majority has been compromised. If it is not corrected now, unscrupulous leaders will use the precedent to justify establishing themselves as a PM and form an unconstitutional government which will be tolerated.

This can not and must not happen again. By paving the way for a confidence vote Anwar will be setting the example of how to prove the validity of a government. A law or an amendment in standing orders to allow for MPs to move a motion for a confidence/no-confidence vote to prove the legitimacy of a government can come later.

For now, Anwar can restore political stability by simply calling for a confidence vote without the MoU. And it should be conducted by ballot not a voice vote so that a majority even by one vote is recorded.

Kit Siang’s non-Malay PM hullabaloo

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What really is the reason for the contention over DAP supremo Lim Kit Siang’s statement to a gathering of Malaysian students in London last November that a non-Malay could become a prime minister of Malaysia?

Why did that statement that is correct and which is stated in the Federal Constitution raise such a cloud of protests from the Opposition which represents the majority in the country by virtue of being the majority race, namely the Malays?

Article 43(2)(a) states: The Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall first appoint as Perdana Menteri
(Prime Minister) to preside over the Cabinet a member of the House of Representatives who in his judgment is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the members of that House.

This law does not state the race of the PM, so Yang Berhormat (YB) Lim was correct in saying that a non-Malay could become a PM; he wasn’t being seditious. So, why did it trigger such adverse reactions that a member of the public lodged a police report prompting the police to call him up for questioning?

Perhaps, it was because of an oversight on his part that he did not clarify the second part of the law which states the condition on which a non-Malay can become a PM. A non-Malay can become a PM if he commands the confidence of the majority of the Members of Parliament in the Dewan Rakyat. The majority of MPs represent the Malay majority and if a non-Malay can command their support, he/she can become PM.

The current reality, however, is that it is an unlikelihood that the majority of MPs representing the Malays would give their support to a non-Malay PM. That might happen in the future but now, unlikely.

The point to note is that an MP becoming a PM is conditional to him/her winning the support of the majority of MPs the majority of whom represent the Malay majority. In other words, no one — Malay or non-Malay can ever become a PM in Malaysia without Malay support. It must also be noted here that the majority support must come from the “members of the House” — the MPs — not political parties.

YP Lim did explain that the possibility of a non-Malay PM isn’t a current reality. Yet, it didn’t pacify his critics, mainly because he had written in his blog that “The Malaysian constitution provides for a Malaysian Dream and not a mono-ethnic dream as it provides that a non-Malay can (also) be a prime minister”.

The obvious question is: How can the Malaysian Dream NOT be a mono-ethnic dream when the majority of the MPs represent a mono-ethnic community?

Perhaps, YB Lim, looking through his ethnic lens, overlooked this reality and failed to communicate that in the Malaysian Dream the mono-ethnic dream is central or integral and will not be swamped by other dreams. This is the fear that his statement triggered and which resulted in such a chorus of negative reactions to his definition of the Malaysian Dream which excludes the mono-ethnic reality.

If he had conceded that in the Malaysian Dream other dreams would co-exist and thrive with the mono-ethnic dream, it would have made his stand less threatening. It would have shown his commitment to a Malaysian multi-culturalism that builds on the mono-ethnic dream and is inclusive of other dreams but does not attempt to overtake or set aside the mono-ethnic dream.

To a people who are still smarting from being forced out of a government — although they are the majority — through unconstitutional moves supported by the DAP, describing a Malaysian Dream which dismisses the mono-ethnic dream, comes across as a biased interpretation of the constitution to favour multi-ethnic dreams at the exclusion of the mono-ethnic dream.

In the context of the most recent experience of forming the unity government where an MP with minority support was appointed as PM — fully supported by the DAP — YB Lim’s statement conjures the possibility that a minority-supported MP could in the same way become PM by sidelining the majority representation of the Malays.

To a veteran politician such as YB Lim and doyen of Opposition MPs, it should come as no surprise that his statement of a non-Malay PM stirred up such stinging criticisms. No doubt, his statement shows his desire for a more inclusive Malaysia — and that is commendable! — but it also reveals an unconscious and unintentional, perhaps, lack of sensitivity to the Malays and their aspirations.

How then can the DAP, in the spirit of its Malaysian dream, claim it also represents the majority race which, in recent events, it failed to include? If it excluded majority representation when it was convenient for it to join the unity government, what guarantee is there that it would not also exclude other minority representations when it suits them?

Happy New Year, folks!

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The past year politically and nationally has been a major disappointment. That sentiment is expected to be carried on into the new year. In fact, I predict it is going to be a very difficult year for parliamentary democracy in Malaysia.

It is the Members of Parliament who are the guardians of parliamentary democracy in a constitutional monarchy-parliamentary democracy form of government which is our form of government. It is the MPs who shoulder the responsibility of ensuring that parliamentary democracy is upheld and practised without compromise in the country as it is parliamentary democracy which protects the rights of the people to self-govern.

The challenge will be to see if our MPs will fight for the people when parliamentary democracy is threatened in any way.

It would be interesting to see if and when our MPs would even be able to receognize when there is a threat to parliamentary democracy! Since the Sheraton moves in 2020, the people have not seen the ability of MPs to discern when there is such a threat and to act to avert it.

It was hoped that the 2022 general election would have changed that reality but that never materialised.

It is very unlikely that we will see our MPs act differently in 2024! If they do, it would be a miracle!

But then, I am a believer of miracles. So, let’s see what happens and whether our MPs will fight on our behalf or acquiesce to expediency or the forces the unity government is beholden to!

Politics and national issues aside, personally, I’m sure all of us have our own resolutions. My 2024 wish is for all our wishes to come true!

Happy New Year, all!

Merry Christmas!

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Imbued with the Christmas spirit — something that takes over me every December! — I have — without thinking — been greeting everyone this past week with a merry Merry Christmas! Those who visited me, met along the way, the baker, the shop attendants, the cashiers, the couriers who dropped off parcels at my door were all met with a cheerful Merry Christmas!

And, I was pleasantly surprised by their reaction. All — without exception — reciprocated with a smile and a nod in acknowledgement. Even the dour-faced among them dropped the gloom, their faces lit up!

Most of them don’t celebrate Christmas but they knew what the politicians and religious leaders apparently don’t know: that I wasn’t trying to convert them; simply including them in the merriment of the season. I doubt that their faith was diminished even a tiny bit by my Merry Christmas! They just enjoyed being included in the celebrating community.

You see, Christmas is inclusive; it isn’t exclusive only to Christians. Anyone can celebrate Christmas anyway they like. They don’t have to celebrate Christmas the way Christians do but there is no rule on Earth that says they can’t join in the celebrations unless some politician or religious leader somewhere comes up with an edict that they can’t, in which case the individual has to decide whether to follow the edict or not.

In Malaysia, however, celebrating Christmas should not be an issue. In Sabah and Sarawak, Christians form the majority and they celebrate Christmas without restrictions. The rest of us in Malaysia should get used to the fact.

So, folks, enjoy the season and extend the Merry Christmas greeting! But, let’s be sensitive too. If we know some people don’t want to receive a Merry Christmas greeting, let’s not express it to them. Some of us, for whatever reason, may not be celebrating Christmas, let’s stand with them, sharing whatever we can with them or mute our festivities according to our conscience. We will respect that, too.

We understand pain, trauma and tragedy. At Christmas, we sing about that, too. It’s what we call the broken Hallelujah! In spite of the suffering, we receive the hope the season offers.

So, folks, wishing you a happy Christmas week! Merry Christmas, all!

Why we sing ‘Peace on Earth’ …

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Peace on Earth and goodwill to all men is one of the many refrains we hear in the Christmas season in December. Together with wreaths, glittering festoons, and the tinsel, ribbons, baubles and lights of Christmas trees, they create the merry ambiance in which Christians celebrate the birth of Jesus Christ, Immanuel — God with us.

The Christmas decor is, of course, not what Christmas is all about. It simply creates the mood to celebrate what Christians through the centuries have known in our hearts with or without the decor — the hope that Jesus Christ, who we believe in, represents, and the result of which we experience firsthand that God, indeed, is in our midst. And that we celebrate unapologetically.

However, that does not mean that we close our eyes to the pain and suffering around us or turn a deaf ear to the cries of loss, despair and destruction that reach out to us. This, precisely, is why we celebrate. We are so fully aware of human reality and how unbearable it can be that we celebrate to send the message, all is not lost.

There is always hope, hope that drives us to push against the darkness of human mortality, of trauma and tragedy, and find a way out to escape or transcend it.

Some people, especially those who have been greatly moved by the suffering of the Palestinians in the on-going Israeli-Hamas conflict, have said that Christians should mute our celebrations of Christmas in solidarity with the Palestinians. While we are sympathetic to the plight of the Palestinians and to their supporters, we have to say to these critics that they have missed the point of Christmas entirely.

We celebrate not to gloat over the misfortune of others; we ourselves have suffered and know what it is like. We celebrate and invite them to join in our festivities to find a little respite, a little taste of joy, love, and acceptance, a little forgetfulness, and a little insight of hope to get going again.

Christmas is meant to refresh and help us find the hope to live despite the pain of human reality. So, not just in Palestine but everywhere in the world where Christians celebrate Christmas grandly, normally or simply, my hope and prayer is that those who are struggling with life will find a little relief in the decor, the spirit, the festivities, the warm homes and the songs of Christmas.

This is the season to hope for better things. Peace on Earth and goodwill to all men and women …..

Bersatu needs to put nation first

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One day after Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin resigned and then retracted his resignation, Bukit Gantang MP Syed Abu Hussin Hafiz Syed Abdul Fasal stood up in the Dewan Rakyat and declared his support for Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

Earlier, the same MP had stood up and said he would support Anwar if he were given RM50 million. This time, however, he made no mention of his RM50 million demand and declared support without any conditions.

No one knows yet if the constituency development funds (CDF) were immediately released to him. But the four MPs who declared their support for the PM previously are said to have received their CDFs. Why Anwar wants to deprive the opposition Perikatan Nasional (PN) of CDFs — which is the people’s right to have — is hard to fathom except that it demonstrates his abandonment of democratic principles.

Whatever his reasons, it is leverage he is using to get PN’s obeyance and Muhyiddin risks losing more PN MPs if he is one of the reasons why his MPs are one by one declaring their support for Anwar.

Muhyiddin may have realised that he was losing support and decided to resign to test that support. A howl of protest from the floor at Bersatu’s annual general meeting last Friday and at his wife’s behest made him change his mind. These factors, however, do not indicate the exact level of support for him unless he stands for election.

The party supreme council also rejected his resignation and Muhyiddin in his closing speech said he would defend his position at the party elections next year.

This simply means Anwar’s unity government is now secure as PN may ease up on any effort to bring about a change in government until next year’s party election. As long as Muhyiddin continues to helm Bersatu, Anwar’s government is not under threat. But a change of party president or president-designate would be a threat.

The concern to urge Muhyiddin to reconsider his decision might have been due to the fear that without any “big name” in Bersatu, PN would lose its pull factor. Political analysts also said that Muhyuiddin had retracted his resignation to avoid infighting.

Yet, despite Muhyiddin bearing the “big name” label, and an impressive win in last November’s general elections, he was unable to win Selangor and Negri Sembilan in the state elections in August and lost all the subsequent by-elections in constituencies south of the four PAS-held states up north, namely Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu.

Although PN won more votes, it lost the seats mainly because of over-reliance on PAS which only has a limited appeal to moderate Malays and non-Malays who combined form the majority in the states south of the PAS-ruled northern states.

The question to ask is whether Muhyiddin can appeal to this still undecided group of voters. If he can’t, he should resign and let a new crop of leaders who do not rely on PAS and are more confident of winning the support of this large untapped reserve of voters, to lead the party.

Another question to ask is whether Muhyiddin is a strong factor in attracting MPs, especially in Umno, to join it by triggering by-elections. Apparently, so far, no MP has left Umno for Bersatu after Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi purged the party of dissidents. They have joined PAS but not Bersatu.

Umno secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki said in a recent interview that MPs in Barisan Nasional of which Umno is the lead party would not leave the coalition as they may face a claim of RM100 million.

With a new Bersatu leadership, however, Umno MPs may see in it a more likely possibility of forming a government and may be willing to take the risk and resign en masse triggering simultaneous by-elections and face the possibility of a fine in court. By that time a new government may be formed and the courts may dismiss the case describing it as purely academic.

If Umno MPs choose not to leave the party, they face the near-certainty of losing their seats in the next elections because Umno has lost credibility with its support base.

The fear that Muhyiddin’s resignation would lead to infighting can be easily allayed if Muhyiddin himself undertakes the responsibility of overseeing the transition to a leadership of not just the president but a president and a team solidly backing him.

Such a team will be a clear threat to the unity government because people will see in it an inherent capability to form a government that is Malay-majority based and inclusive of other Malaysian communities.

Bersatu will thus be seen as a truly national party and deserving to form a government. That commitment to put the nation ahead as a Malay-majority-led government encompassing all Malaysian communities rather than just a Malay-majority-led coalition must become Bersatu’s overriding strategy. It is Bersatu rather than PAS that can take the initiative to achieve it.

The Malays voted for PN on the basis that it would form a government. Each day PN fails to realise this objective, disillusionment will set in as evidenced by the PN MPs who declared support for Anwar and the coalition risks losing its voters.

It is, therefore, imperative that Muhyiddin undertakes the transition to a new leadership now. The argument that a party needs a “big name” is not true. Parties can’t have big names all the time. Barack Obama, Joe Biden and Rishi Sunak were not big names in their parties. So, how did they become presidents and a prime minister? They had — and have — very good teams.

There are people in Bersatu who together can form a good team. Bersatu, more than PAS or Umno or PKR, has candidates who can form a capable team to lead the nation. Muhyiddin should capitalise on it and get all the factions to come together in an alliance where each faction’s leader takes turns to be the party president with all the factions joining forces to back him.

When that happens, Bersatu will be seen as getting its act together and it may attract more MPs to join it and more voters to support it.

The Bersatu president may become the next prime minister but he needs a strong team to back him. With a strong team behind him, he will be able to move forward and stand up for the sovereignty of the nation. He and his team will get their job done and in a crisis of a conflict of interests have the confidence to uphold the federal constitution. That’s the kind of leader the people will trust and respect.

The way forward is to get a strong team for the good of the nation. Good luck, Bersatu.

Still waiting for answers to MP’s queries

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Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) Pasir Gudang MP Hassan Karim asked a couple of pertinent questions in the Dewan Rakyat this week regarding Elon Musk’s broadband provider, Starlink, which, he said, was given a “special privilege” to operate in Malaysia with a 100 percent equity. What is interesting to note is that Hassan’s questions — up to now — have not been answered.

Hassan claimed that Starlink was given a broadband network provider licence for 10 years and was allowed to operate in the country without the participation of local companies, which, he said, could threaten data security.

He felt that allowing foreign countries to dominate the country’s space could pose a threat to national security, adding that 100 percent foreign-owned companies operating locally were also against the country’s economic policy which required a local equity partnership of a minimum of 30 percent in such companies.

Saying that this was not a “matter to be treated lightly”, Hasan wanted the government to give more details such as which other companies have obtained privileges similar to Starlink, and who had given the approval for this sort of licence.

These are very relevant questions as the special exemption indicates a change in economic policy and has a direct bearing on the equity participation of bumiputras. Hence, it is extremely puzzling that no minister from the government has attempted to answer Hassan’s questions as yet, and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim must assume responsibility for this silence.

Just as puzzling is that although this is a Malay issue and a sensitive Malay issue at that, no other Malay MP has sought clarification from the PM. Even Opposition MPs who are supposed to represent the majority of Malays have failed to query the PM on this issue.

It is the same with Anwar’s billion-ringgit Memorandums of Understanding (MoU). No MP is querying the details. Who arranged for these MoUs? The finance and economic affairs ministries? How were they able to arrange for these meetings in such a short span of time? In just a year, Anwar signed a number of billion-ringgit MoUs but nobody knows the details as the only piece of information the government has released is the value of the MoUs and that they were signed.

But Anwar announces that foreign investments are coming in because of political stability under the unity government. How could these billion-ringgit deals have been set up in just one year when Anwar is not known to have close ties with the countries where the deals have been signed and with the businessmen in these countries?

Perhaps, he has powerful allies who have these connections and who are facilitating these deals. This means, these “foreign investments” are not due to Anwar’s economic policies but due to the influence of his allies. Nothing wrong with having powerful allies who help bring in investments but MPs have a right to query to ensure all deals are above board and conform with the federal constitution.

Towards that end, Anwar must be willing to give details of MoUs and privileges given to some foreigners, especially in Parliament. He can not be silent and MPs should not let him get away without answering their queries.

By readily giving information on such foreign investments, Anwar will prove that he is not beholden to these allies and in the face of a conflict of interests, he will stand up for parliamentary democracy and will not end up kissing hands and doing as suggested.

Waiting to see Syed Saddiq back

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Muar MP Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman did the right thing in stepping down as Muda president until he can clear his name in court. He is still an MP, and, hopefully, will continue to raise issues of concern to the people in the Dewan Rakyat.

Found guilty of criminal breach of trust (CBT) involving RM1.12 million of Bersatu Youth funds by the High Court, he was sentenced to seven years’ jail, two strokes of the rotan and an RM10m fine. To many, it is a disproportionate sentence to the crime. The sentence, however, has been stayed pending his appeal.

This up-and-coming young politician with a promising future has been brutally thrown off course by vengeful politics. Until his case is disposed of, he will be facing an uncertain future. Right now, understandably, he may be feeling down in the dumps, thinking what’s ahead is the daunting wilderness.

It may be the wilderness he is going to have to walk through but he does not have to wallow in it in despair. Others have had to walk through the wilderness, too. And many came out of it stronger and better people.

No doubt some never made it through; some made it only to lose themselves never to find the mental balance so necessary to live.

But, Syed Saddiq, isn’t one of them. He’s a winner, who has come through so far, and, if he finds his way through and out of the wilderness experience, he is going to go further than he can dream of. When that happens, my only hope is that he will be an example of a leader who others will want to follow.

If by chance, he reads this article, I have a few words of encouragement for him. Firstly, walk, one step at a time. Never stop to wallow but to rest, recover and recreate and then, walk.

Secondly, while walking do a little soul-searching. Where did I go wrong? What could I have done better? Be determined to do better the next time.

Thirdly, explore. What options do I have? What skills can I develop? Take the time available to study the federal constitution and become familiar with it and the principles it espouses. So that when the time comes to represent the people again, you will serve confidently knowing that you are operating within the rule of law. Don’t be like the politicians of the day, willing to compromise the mandate of the people for power and money.

Lastly, don’t walk alone. In essence, we always walk alone. But, along the way, be open to people who extend a hand a friendship, and if they would like to, let them walk with you. It will be an enriching experience for both.

The wilderness may be for a short or long time. No matter how long it is, the barrenness of it demands something from us to add colour to it. In doing so, we become people who can impact our world.

Sometime in the near future, the people will be expecting Syed Saddiq back. When that happens, hopefully, Malaysia will be glad that one of her sons is back where he should be.

What’s worse than a bad government?

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Not an incompetent one. Not even a corrupt or autocratic government if it were elected by the people. But an unelected government that does not respect the mandate of the people.

That is what Malaysians witnessed helplessly in the past three years as three governments were formed overruling the mandate of the people. Muhyiddin Yassin’s Perikatan Nasional (PN) and Ismail Sabri Yaakob’s Umno-PN governments were appointed governments. So is current Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s Pakatan Harapan (PH)-led unity government.

In other words, all three are unconstitutional governments; they were not installed on the mandate of the people, which explains why the first two did not last long and why the third will also not last long. The first was removed by a power-crazy Umno, and the second by an early general election triggered by strong criticisms of an ineffective administration. The third will likely be removed by an opposition that has the support of the majority but was out-maneuvered to form a government.

An unconstitutional government always faces the risk of being thrown out by parties who are able to do so by any means as evidenced by the past two administrations. In the same way, the threat of a change of government will continue to hang over the unity government and prevent it from being effective.

Anwar’s government will be unable to execute policies, whether long-term or short-term, pending another political upheaval leading to a change of government in the immediate future. Investors will prefer to take a wait-and-see approach. This means the economy won’t move forward despite all his talk, billion ringgit Memorandums of Understanding (MoU) and suggestions from powerful allies.

As long as the threat of a change of government hangs over his head, Anwar will be unable to execute development plans.

That is the problem with an unconstitutional government. It will be unable to move forward because responsible MPs will strive to restore constitutional integrity.

If we have unconstitutional governments it is because MPs allowed the mandate of the people to be overruled. These MPs need to understand that their first duty is to their voters and not sell their votes for expediency — whether political, fiscal or religious.

It is unbelievable how some of these MPs’ statements reveal their lack of understanding of democracy. Take Deputy Prime Minister Fadillah Yusof who actually told political parties not to contest in tomorrow’s (Nov 4)Jepak state elections because GPS (his party) will win anyway and contesting is simply a waste of time and resources! Why even hold elections then? Just appoint assemblypersons. Then we will have an autocracy.

Such statements should not be coming from MPs, but it has and it simply shows their lack of commitment to the parliamentary democracy this country practises. That is the reason why there is political instability because our MPs are not fighting for the people according to the democratic principles as prescribed in the federal constitution but allow expediency to take precedence over constitutional integrity.

MPs must be committed to restoring constitutional integrity and do everything they can to achieve it. PN must be commended for fighting to ensure that the mandate of the majority is restored.

Until constitutional integrity is restored, there will be instability and Anwar’s government will face an uncertain future and will be unable to implement development plans, which means the people suffer. The longer it stays in government, the longer the people suffer.

For the moment, after PN failed to win the Pelangai state elections, the unity government can enjoy a little respite. The idea was if PN won Pelangai, it would mean it would have the support of the people and the confidence to trigger a slew of by-elections which if they win will give them an outright majority to form the next government.

That did not work out as expected but Anwar should not think his full term as prime minister is now secure.

As in the way of life, when out of the blue a wild card is dealt, a breakthrough follows. If that wild card appears, it will be to PN’s advantage. When that happens, the MPs must once again choose sides — free of the encumbrances of an MoU — to ensure that a constitutionally formed government is set up.

Perhaps, that wild card has already been dealt. If it has and PN recognises it, act wisely, not just for the good of the country but for the good of humanity. Only good will follow.