Tag Archives: PAS

Bersatu is the threat to Umno, so buck up

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Opposition coalition Perikatan Nasional’s (PN) anchor party, Bersatu, has suffered a number of blows in recent months. Though its support rose in recent by-elections it did not win any new seat. Then there is the talk that in a couple of constituencies its members have left in the hundreds.

The biggest hit, however, was when the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat refused to declare the seats of six rogue members who lost their party memberships as vacant. That was hard to accept because if they were declared vacant, by-elections would have been called and it would have given Bersatu a chance to gauge its support in these constituencies and, most importantly, whether that that support has increased.

If there were by-elections, and support for Bersatu had gone up, that would have been a major embarrassment to Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s unity government as it would have meant that the six rogue Bersatu members had stood up in the Dewan Rakyat and pledged allegiance to the PM without the support of their voters. The Speaker’s decision effectively spared the incumbent government of that embarrassment.

This episode, however, shows that the government is worried about the increasing support for Bersatu.

Although a number of former Umno members have joined Bersatu’s main PN partner PAS rather than Bersatu, it is another indication that the source of the government coalition’s worry is Bersatu rather than PAS.

On the surface of it, it would seem that PAS is the preferred party to join instead of Bersatu. That may be true in Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu and in some other constituencies in the rest of Peninsular Malaysia where PAS has some influence.

It is, however, a foregone conclusion that in these states, the majority of Malay support is for PAS. Umno, the only Malay-based party in the coalition government, has no illusions that it can win back that support from PAS.

Even in the coming state by-election in Nenggiri, while Umno is putting up a spirited campaign against Bersatu’s candidate, it is aware that with PAS backing Bersatu it is an uphill battle to win the seat. They only want to test to see if any support is swinging back to Umno.

Even if Umno loses the seat it would not be a great loss because it is a PAS-influenced seat. Unable to beat it in the northern states, Umno may even be willing to partner with PAS if the latter is willing.

In the rest of Peninsular Malaysia, however, the battle for the Malay vote is not between Umno and PAS but between Umno and Bersatu.

Umno’s inclusion in the coalition government is to give it the advantage of incumbency to strengthen the party. In GE15, Umno won 26 seats against Bersatu’s 25 which is a close call. With PN steadily increasing its vote share in every by-election and state election the seats may tip in Bersatu’s favour and Umno will end up the loser.

That is a possibility Umno, and, hence the coalition government, will not want to see happening until the next general elections when they will have no choice but to face reality.

Bersatu thus needs to understand that Umno and the incumbent coalition government will do everything in its power to prevent Bersatu from proving its growing Malay support base and only allow it in the next general election.

The party must do everything it can now to counter these efforts. It needs to be ready now not just in the next general elections. In the event there are by-elections it must have the confidence to field its own candidates and not rely on PAS.

In getting ready to win, Bersatu needs to consider the following:

1. It must resolve its leadership problems. It need not follow party president Muhyiddin Yassin’s formula where he remains as president and Hamzah Zainuddin becomes the deputy president. They should stand for elections and whoever the party members nominate should also stand for elections.

Elected leaders mean they have grassroots support and that provides stability.

2. Bersatu needs to change its legal advisers and hire lawyers who have a broader, contextual and deeper understanding of the law to advise them so that the party can take on the government every time it acts outside of the parameters granted by the federal constitution.

The party must be seen as being committed to upholding the federal constitution at all costs. If it bravely stands up for the constitution, without doubt, the people will back it.

3. The party, while sticking to its Malay-majority agenda, must make it apparent that it also includes and respects the rights of minorities.

Doing the above will build up its confidence to show itself as competent, constitutional and grassroots-centred and that may attract more capable leaders and supporters to join it .

Islamic Malaysia — Tuan Ibrahim is right and wrong

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Speaking at a press conference at the PAS muktamar (annual general meeting) last weekend, the party’s deputy president, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Mat, asserted that Malaysia is not a secular country but Islamic.

Tuan Ibrahim was responding to Kepong DAP MP Lim Lip Eng who had suggested that PAS accept Malaysia as a secular country if it wishes to win non-Malay voters to its side.

Tuan Ibrahim said that Islam is the official religion of the federation, thus, implying Malaysia is an Islamic nation.

Like many others who claim that Malaysia is an Islamic country, Tuan Ibrahim’s belief is also based on the federal constitution which clearly states that Islam is the official religion, the Malay language is the official language, Malay culture is the national culture and the Malays enjoy certain special privileges.

Based on this clearly stated position of the Malays in the federal constitution, and by the fact that they form the majority race in the country, it is correct to say that Malaysia is an Islamic country.

However, drawing the conclusion that Malaysia is an Islamic nation, it must be stressed that by “Islamic”, the federal constitution means “Islamic” in character.

If PAS regards Malaysia as an Islamic nation in character, espousing Muslim values in the administration of government, non-Malays would have no issue with it — as long as non-Malay interests and sensitivities are respected.

But, if PAS uses the same texts in the federal constitution to slippery slide to the conclusion that Malaysia is to be governed by an Islamic form of government, that would be an illogically derived conclusion and unconstitutional. Non-Malays would reject it outright.

Nowhere in the federal constitution is Malaysia described as having an Islamic form of government. (Please correct me if I am wrong.) If our founding fathers wanted an Islamic form of government, it would have been clearly stated in the federal constitution. It is not, because there were significant non-Muslim communities in Malaya at that time like the Chinese, Orang Asli and Indians. Since the formation of Malaysia, these communities now include the Christian bumiputras in Sabah and Sarawak and all these communities would find an Islamic form of government totally unacceptable.

By stating that there is freedom of religions, the federal constitution recognises the rights of non-Muslims and an Islamic form of government would be untenable if those rights are to be accepted and respected.

So, PAS must make that distinction between a government that is Islamic in character and one that is an Islamic state. Without making this distinction, PAS would not be showing its sincerity to abide by the constitution and respect the rights of the non-Malays. It would, in fact, be attaching its own interpretation to the federal constitution to justify its long-held desire to form an Islamic state.

Not only the non-Malays but Malays themselves would not want an Islamic form of government while they may have no issue with a government that is Islamic in character. As such, when voters — Malays and non-Malays — realise that PAS does not make that distinction, it is very likely that PAS will begin to lose support and it is very unlikely that PAS will be able to form the next government.

PAS must also show that it will consider non-Malay interests by seeking to understand the latter’s point of view and not insist on its own.

For example, the “kafir” issue. Tuan Ibrahim explained that the word comes from the Arabic word “kafarah”, which means concealing the truth, and that non-Muslims conceal the truth, which means “they are unable to see the truth in Islam”.

That is his view, but he failed to explain that the usage of the term has made it derogatory and a slight to non-Muslims when they are referred to as “kafir”. If PAS is serious about respecting the rights and feelings of non-Muslims, it should stop using words considered derogatory to non-Muslims.

If PAS doesn’t consider non-Muslim concerns and insists on imposing its views on us, even when it is hurtful, PAS will never get the support of non-Muslim voters nor of the more open-minded Muslim voters who see this as a form of injustice.

This would mean that PAS would be unable to form the next government despite being the leading Malay-based party in the country. In fact, without non-Malay support, even PAS voters will realise the party will be unable to form a government and will gradually withdraw their support.

Pelangai by-election — PN’s missed chance

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The political climate was ripe for Perikatan Nasional (PN) to win the Pelangai state by-election last Saturday, but the coalition didn’t. Despite discontent over Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s dismissal not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA) and the lack of reforms and economic upliftment under Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s administration, PN lost.

It is, no doubt, to PN’s credit that it lost by a smaller majority of 2,949 compared to the 4,048 majority the Umno candidate, Johari Harun, got in the general election last November. The state by-election was called following Johari’s death in the Elmina plane crash in August.

In a small state constituency such as Pelangai with only 16,456 eligible voters and which is an Umno stronghold, a 3,000-vote loss may seem small. Why then was PN unable to trigger a dramatic swing of that small number to its side and win?

This is the question PN needs to ask and examine the factors that caused their defeat when the political environment was conducive to their win.

Two factors come to mind. Firstly, PN read the ground incorrectly. It read the ground correctly in the six-state elections in August and fielded a majority of PAS candidates in the north where it won three states. But, south of these states, fielding PAS candidates did not produce the desired results.

In the southern states of Selangor and Negeri Sembilan and in Pelangai, it is apparent that Malay voters, particularly Umno voters, do not regard PAS candidates in the same way the conservative north does.

It is also apparent that these same Malay voters want an alternative choice to Umno as evidenced by the fact that an increasing number is choosing PN but there are still many who rather vote for the devil they know than the deep blue sea.

PN needs to address what is withholding the latter from swinging to its side.

Secondly, if PN had fielded a Bersatu candidate in Pelangai, would the results have been different?

As long as PN keeps fielding PAS candidates to ride on the green wave which clearly does not exist in the southern states, it is sending the message that PN will be a PAS-dominant coalition. That is a turn-off to non-Malay voters and many Malay voters.

In the current political climate, where disillusionment with the ruling unity coalition is considerably high and rising as each passing day reveals the behind-the-scenes political hanky-panky going on to keep the unity coalition in government, a PAS-dominant PN may be a reluctant alternative.

Voters may have been open to voting for the PAS candidate in Pelangai. But on the eve of the elections, the PAS-led Terengganu government pulled out its gymnasts from participating in Sukma 2024 on the grounds that their outfits were not Syariah-compliant. At the same time, Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin announced that if PN wins Pelangai and triggers a switch of assemblypersons to its side to form the next government, PAS deputy president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man would be the next menteri besar of Pahang.

Both these announcements would have spooked not just the non-Malays but the Malays themselves who would have an idea as to what to expect should PAS win. That would have been enough to change their mind about voting for the PAS candidate.

Voters, including Malay voters, are not that taken up by PAS. It was apparent in Selangor and Negeri Sembilan. PN needs to ask itself if fielding PAS candidates rather than Bersatu candidates is working in its favour or against it. It is certainly working in favour of Umno because Umno is keeping its seats.

A PAS-dominant PN is not delivering the expected votes in the southern states. But a Bersatu-dominant PN might. A Bersatu-dominant PN will show that PAS’ extreme ways will be held in check and that minority interests will not be suppressed by religious domination and that would have a greater appeal to both the reluctant Malays and non-Malays.

Bersatu needs to start building itself up and fielding capable, people-serving and constitutionally-aware candidates in subsequent elections, especially in the non-PAS-ruled states. They should talk about how they would better the incumbent unity government in terms of policies for Malays and non-Malays and offer effective action plans that will not sideline any community in Malaysia.

Bersatu rather than PAS can demonstrate that PN is a coalition for all Malaysians and that it would not sacrifice non-Malay interests for the sake of a Malay-majority government. As a Malay-majority coalition, if it shows itself inclusive of non-Malay interests, it would have a wider appeal and in that confidence, it should field a Bersatu candidate in the next election should such an opportunity arise.

The results might be the very turnaround PN is seeking. PN won’t know for sure until this strategy is tested.

Jitters over PAS; Muda an alternative choice

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It is obvious that Perikatan Nasional’s (PN) strategy in the state elections on Aug 12 is to ride on the “green wave”. While that strategy might work in Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah among the largely more conservative voters, it might backfire in Penang, Selangor and Negri Sembilan dominated by urban voters.

In Kelantan, PN partner PAS is contesting 39 of the 45 seats in the Kelantan state assembly with Bersatu contesting the remaining six. In Terengganu’s 32 seats, PAS is contesting 27 seats, and Bersatu five. In Kedah, PAS is contesting 21 seats, Bersatu 12, and Gerakan three of the 36-member state assembly.

The fact that PAS was given the majority of the seats to contest in these states is an acknowledgment that the support for PAS that gave the Islamic party 41 parliamentary seats in the last general elections in November remains and will be demonstrated once again in the state elections.

It is likely that PN will win and return to govern Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu. What will be anticipated is whether Bersatu will increase its representation in the state assemblies.

In Penang, Selangor and Negri Sembilan, PAS has been given more seats to stand for election on the premise that the green wave may have extended to these states and that may aid in uniting the Malays in these three states to vote for PN.

Of the 40 seats in the Penang state assembly, Gerakan will contest 20 state seats, Bersatu, 10, and Pas, 10 under PN. In Selangor, Bersatu has the largest share of seats with 31, PAS, 17, and Gerakan, eight, out of a total of 56 seats. Of Negri Sembilan’s 36 seats, Bersatu will be contesting 15, PAS, 13, and Gerakan six.

Up to now, the voters in these three states have traditionally shunned PAS, with PAS winning only occasionally in the past. To give them a sizeable share of the seats in these three states may spook the urban voters, including the Malay voters, and that may be translated to a loss of votes for PN.

PN failed to factor in the fact that a sizeable number of urban Malay voters — while in favour of Malay unity — may not be willing to sacrifice their individual freedoms by voting for a coalition with a partner known for its hardline medieval brand of religion. The urban non-Malays will definitely not vote for PAS or PN candidates if they suspect PAS may end up as a dominant party in PN.

Therefore, in the seats where PAS is standing for election, Pakatan Harapan (PH) candidates stand a good chance of winning. Where PAS is facing an Umno candidate, considering the current sentiments against Umno, PAS stands a good chance of winning and that would be troubling for PN.

Non-Malays fearing a significant PAS presence in the state government may vote for PH even if they are disappointed with the PH-Umno alliance and PH president and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s performance.

So, it will be a close call for either coalition in Selangor and Negri Sembilan. The state elections will prove whether Umno is a liability to PH in general and PAS to PN in Penang, Selangor and Negri Sembilan.

After the hullabaloo that the former Kedah’s PAS Menteri Besar Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor made over Penang being a part of Kedah, it would be an uphill task for PAS to win support for PN. In the spirit of Malay unity, however, PN may increase its representation in the Penang state assembly.

In Selangor, to hedge against a possibility of a hung state assembly, it would be wise for voters to vote for Muda.

Muda is contesting 14 seats in Selangor and three in Penang, two in Negri Sembilan and one in Terengganu. It may not make an impact in Penang, Negri Sembilan and Terengganu but with 14 seats in Selangor, it could, especially in the event of a hung state assembly.

Besides, Muda represents values the urban voters can identify with, such as its multi-ethnic, progressive people-centric politics. Its youthful idealism is a refreshing change from the jaded compromised politics of its seniors. Hopefully, Muda politicians will remain true to their stated agenda even after years of political engagement.

In Selangor, especially, in the coming state elections voters have an alternative in Muda and they should seriously consider giving it a chance to prove itself. The collective outcome of the state elections as a result of Muda’s participation may be just what the people want and need now.

Umno defectors to join PAS? Not a good choice

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There has been some talk that Umno members will be joining PAS. Umno members, disgruntled by the antics of their leaders, may understandably want to leave their party but is PAS the best choice to join?

By joining PAS, Umno members will be making PAS a stronger party to wield greater influence in any government it forms and Umno members need to ask if that is good for their voters and country, and themselves.

A stronger PAS will get more votes in an election and increase their representation in a state or federal government, which may benefit the former Umno members and their supporters. PAS, alone, however, will not have the numbers to form a government except in Kelantan where it has a majority.

In other states, it can form a government only with Bersatu, its partner in Perikatan Nasional (PN), and if successful that PN government would become more conservative than the current PN governments of Perlis, Kedah, and Terengganu. These states would only lag behind the rest of the country and become more like Kelantan. Would that benefit the former Umno members and their supporters who have had a better life on Umno’s previous leaders’ development policies?

Evidences of a decline in development will not be seen now as the country is still grappling with political instability caused by governments that were formed not as a result of the due processes of parliamentary democracy but by the appointment of the constitutional monarch.

When parliamentary processes are strictly followed, political stability will return and the country will move forward. Any government with a strong PAS will only hold back on developing unless led by a strong leader. In the absence of such leaders, PAS will have a significant say and that may be an obstacle to the development of the country.

Umno members need to seriously consider if by joining PAS they will be contributing to a progressive future of this nation or aiding in retarding national development. They also need to know the repercussions of supporting PAS at the state level that will be felt at the national level.

With PAS’ avowed position of wanting to form an Islamic state, would the Sabah and Sarawak political parties, which are Christian-based or include a large Christian base of voters and form a majority of the bumiputras in East Malaysia, want to ally with PAS? Very unlikely, which means all those votes that went to PAS would go to waste as it would be excluded from the federal government.

The trend at the state level would trigger posturing and negotiations among political parties to seek alliances that include the majority of people groups at the national level. A stronger PAS may frighten off potential partners at the national level.

It would thus be better if Umno members delayed their decision to join PAS until after the state elections in Kedah, Kelantan, Terengganu, Penang, Selangor and Negeri Sembilan. The elections will reveal the actual preferences on the ground, and, especially if PAS’ wins in the last general election were a flash in the pan or an emerging trend.

Based on the results of the state elections, Umno members can decide the best options available to them. After witnessing everything that has happened to this country since 2020, the results will clearly show which parties and coalitions the people will reject and which they will support.

The ball’s in Muhyiddin’s court

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Just in case politicians in positions of power and privilege feel they have the right to act on expediency and get away with it, the High Court has given clear directions as to what is not  permissible behaviour, in its judgement in the SRC International Sdn Bhd case involving former prime minister Najib Razak.

In finding Najib guilty of all seven charges against him in the SRC case, High Court Judge Mohd Nazlan Mohd Ghazali described Najib’s lack of action to recover funds from SRC International as “very puzzling” and he proceeded to list what Najib did and didn’t do that was questionable behaviour.

Leaders in top positions need to examine the judge’s judgement in-depth and learn what they should and should not do. The High Court has sent a clear message in defining — in this case — what constitutes abuse of power. Politicians need to realise that if they behave outside of the rule of law, they can be taken to court. That should act as a strong deterrent to abuse of power and position.

Yet, Umno politicians don’t seem to want to learn to operate within the rule of law. Even before the dust had settled on the SRC case, former chief minister, Musa Aman, launched an attempted coup to take over the Sabah government, saying that he has a majority of state assemblymen on his side. Incumbent Chief Minister Shafie Apdal preempted him by dissolving the state assembly and called for snap state elections.

Some of the assemblymen who joined Musa were sacked by their respective parties in Shafie’s Warisan-led coalition after the coup attempt.

If the coup had succeeded, it would have been another example of a backdoor government without the mandate of the people just as the current Prihatin Nasional (PN) government is.

It appears as if Umno, after the Najib conviction, is frantically trying to form the government, again through the backdoor. With the most number of MPs in the PN government (Barisan Nasional(BN) has 43 MPs (Umno — 39) and Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin’s Bersatu party has 31), Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has announced that it will not be a part of the PN coalition but will continue with its collaboration with Islamic party PAS in their Muafakat Nasional alliance.

Muafakat Nasional has extended an invitation to Bersatu to join the former. If Muhyiddin joins Muafakat, Umno will become the leading party; if it leaves it, PN will fall and snap elections will have to be called.

It serves Umno to work with PAS because the latter will give its support in order to influence decisions to be more “Islamic”. Whether such “influence” would be constitutional or not will be questionable but it puts Umno in the driving seat to protect its interests as it sees fit.  It would be as “legitimate” as the PN government is.

Whether these manoeuvres taking place now are constitutional or not isn’t the issue anymore; political expediency has taken over. Why bother about the constitution when a political party can assume power by coercing elected MPs to join it with the promise of money and position?

This is the political chaos Malay politics has descended into and it seems as if non-Malay parties have to play ball in order not to be left out — for the time being until we get back to adhering to the constitution. Amanah and the DAP, parties in the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, have said they would support Muhyiddin if he refuses to join Muafakat.

The ball is in Muhyiddin’s court. What is apparent is that a Malay-majority only coalition cannot get the majority in the Dewan Rakyat without former premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s support.

Umno, PAS and Bersatu in the PN represent about 70% of Malay votes. It’s a majority but it excludes the about 20-30% of Malay support for Tun and Parti Keadilan Rakyat( PKR).  This Malay support comes primarily from the urban and semi-urban areas where the progressive Malays are found who have no issue working with non-Malays and hence they get non-Malay support. The Malay intelligence is mostly in this group; they are the educated and skilled Malays who are in the position to lead but are now in the opposition.

If Malay-based parties continue to act in their backdoor ways, more and more Malays, especially the younger and educated ones are going to join the opposition which respects the constitution. Right now with the offer of money and position, Malay parties may be able to hold on to power. But in future elections, they will see their support dwindling as disgruntled younger voters swing to the opposition.

This segment of Malay voters may be a minority now but it will be a growing minority as evidenced by much of the positive comments on Najib’s conviction. They are like Judge Nazlan who can distinguish between abuse and rule of law and they prefer an elected government which conforms to the constitution.

Umno and PAS are thinking of the moment, the former about protecting its interests and the latter to make the government more “Islamic”. If Muhyiddin is sincerely thinking of the good of the nation, it would serve him well NOT to antagonize the smaller but growing Malay voter segment who may be the future leaders of this nation and who want a commitment to the rule of law.

It may be well for him to return to the PH, restore the mandate of the GE14 and prove to this nation and the world that he stands for the rule of law and will conform to it. There will have to be give and take. My own feeling is that unless the original GE14 mandate of the people is fully restored, political stability will remain elusive and we will not be able to move forward.