Tag Archives: state elections

Tomorrow, vote with the majority for a majority

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Malaysian voters generally vote along race and religion lines and in the state elections tomorrow that might work for Perikatan Nasional (PN) to return to govern the states of Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah and for PH to retain Penang under a DAP government.

In Selangor and Negeri Sembilan, however, the voting trends are not so clear-cut. There may be a shift in voting patterns as PN has apparently made inroads in Selangor and voters disgruntled with PH may vote against the latter.

Today, just one day left before casting the ballot tomorrow, there may be a further slide in support for PH — especially from Indian voters — after Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s treatment of the student who had asked him about the bumiputra quota at a session at Kolej Matrikulasi Pulau Pinang in Kepala Batas last week.

It should be an eye-opener to non-Malays of the treatment we will get as Anwar uses the advantage of incumbency to go all out to win Malay support.

This, together with the latest action by the Home Ministry to ban Swatch watches and related materials reflecting LGBT influences will surely result in a further loss of votes for PH.

In both of the above cases, PH may have taken the risk to lose some non-Malay votes in exchange for Malay votes. Whether this would be translated to a win by PH will only be known tomorrow. What is sure, today, however, is that the status quo in favour of PH is not guaranteed in Selangor and Negeri Sembilan.

A change in the status quo may result in a hung assembly and that is a likelihood that must be avoided at all costs as it raises the possibility of interference by vested interests — if assemblypersons do not conduct themselves according to the state and federal constitutions.

In the event of a hung assembly, elected representatives have to negotiate a way to form a majority government before presenting themselves to the Sultan whose role in installing a government as defined in the constitution is respected and defended.

The people do not want a repeat of Anwar’s manner of handling a hung government after the 15th general election (GE15) when he failed to convince other parties to join him and a unity government was formed on the instruction of the king with Anwar as PM but which excluded representation from the majority race, the Malays. This happened because Anwar failed to advise the king on the constitutional way of resolving a hung Parliament.

An unconstitutional government must not be formed even at the state level. It would, if no side gets a stable majority, and panicking assemblypersons unconstitutionally seek or facilitate the Sultan’s intervention and, in the process, rob the people of the mandate they entrusted in the hands of their elected representatives. In other words, the government will be compromised in holding itself accountable to the people.

That is the underlying issue at stake in these six state elections — not Malay rights versus non-Malay rights, although they are relevant, but protecting and defending the people’s right to self-determination according to the principles of parliamentary democracy that we practise and which was compromised at the federal level after GE15.

If Anwar did not ensure the uncompromised practice of parliamentary democracy at the federal level there is no certainty that he would practice it at the state level. He may, but it is a risk that the people of Selangor and Negeri Sembilan must not take if we want a democratically-elected majority that is accountable to the people and not to any vested interests.

Only a majority government can ensure that a government of and by the people remains as such.

That is the reason why in these state elections, the voters in Selangor and Negeri Sembilan, must vote with the majority.

In the current context, the coalition that can attain a majority without excluding the majority race, the Malays, is PN. Malay support for PH is questionable and until proven otherwise, PH will be unable to form a Malay-based majority. So, voting for PH is a route to a very possible hung assembly which we must avoid at all costs — if we want to maintain the democratic principle of accountability to the people and keep vested interests out of influencing the affairs of government.

The Malays are with PN. In these state elections, for the sake of protecting our parliamentary democracy, the non-Malays should join forces with the Malays and vote for PN so that PN also undertakes responsibility for our rights. If we don’t, we may not be represented in government.

Non-Malays may hold back from voting for PN because of PAS which is a partner in PN. PAS fielded candidates in Malay-majority seats and voters can counter PAS’ wins by voting for Muda and PSM (Parti Sosialis Malaysia) in your constituencies. Whether in government or in the opposition, Muda and PSM will be the moderating influence on PAS’ fundamental extremism.

Consider what is at stake in these six state elections — the uncompromising practice of parliamentary democracy. If the majority wins in these state elections, it is a clear signal that the people are claiming back our right to self-rule and that we won’t tolerate any government that is not accountable to the people.

Tomorrow, fellow Malaysians, let us vote as Malaysians, not as Malays, Chinese, Indians or others. Let’s vote together with the Malays and install a majority-led government in Selangor and Negeri Sembilan and ensure the sovereignty of the rule by and of the people.

What the voters must consider

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There is only one issue that voters must consider in the upcoming state elections in Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah, Penang, Selangor and Negri Sembilan next month — which parties can form a coalition government that is truly representative of the majority without excluding the minorities?

Although they are state elections, the outcome will be an endorsement or rejection of the federal unity government led by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. These six state elections are extremely significant because it is the only opportunity available to the people now to prove whether Anwar’s government has a majority.

The only other avenue to prove a majority when no party emerges with a majority is a no-confidence vote in Parliament which Anwar faced and won but only because the minority parties had their hands tied by a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) which demanded that they do not vote against him as prime minister.

Directed by the king and coerced by the MOU, Pakatan Harapan (PH), Gabungan Parti Sarawak, Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS), and a few other smaller parties gave Anwar the majority support of two-thirds of the Members of Parliament (MPs) in Parliament, thus enabling him to become prime minister.

However, these parties that now form Anwar’s unity government do not represent the majority of the people; they represent minority groups. In other words, Anwar’s mandate comes from minorities and those who helped put him in power. Not having the support of the majority, Anwar can not represent the majority and therefore does not have the mandate to govern on behalf of the majority.

That is the point the voters in the state elections must seriously consider. The incumbent Anwar government is an anomaly in democracy as it goes against the fundamental principle of democracy — rule elected by a majority.

The state elections next month will give voters a chance to correct this error. It is very likely that if the same people came out to vote as in the general elections (GE15) last November, the status quo will remain.

But, if those who didn’t vote in GE15 came out in full force the outcome will be different! They will be backed by the increasing number of voters disenchanted by Anwar and jointly it will be the clear voice of the majority!

The voters must realise that from Day 1, Anwar has made decisions that benefitted those who put him in power rather than the majority. He included two candidates who were defeated in parliamentary elections in his Cabinet, namely Minister of Investment, Trade & Industry Tengku Zafrul Aziz and Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution; he supported Umno’s efforts to leave the top two positions uncontested and made Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, who is facing numerous criminal charges in court, as Deputy Prime Minister without a blight of conscience!

The court cases involving Zahid, Muda president Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman and Anwar himself are no longer in the news except for those involving DAP chairman Lim Guan Eng. Is this how a prime minister supports the due process of law?

Anwar has abandoned the reform agenda on which he won support. He has revived the cancelled High-Speed Rail (HSR) project raising questions as to who would benefit from it, the people or already rich individuals and corporations?

No doubt Anwar has signed off Felda’s debts but the initiative to cancel the debts came from Muhyiddin Yassin’s term as prime minister. Is he now seeking credit for it to help his party and allies in the state elections? Or, is this another ploy similar to the actions taken by his predecessors to put cash in the hands of Felda settlers and civil servants to win elections?

And just this week, PAS’ Kedah Menteri Besar Muhammad Sanusi Nor was arrested in the stealth of night at 3am and charged under the Seditions Act for making statements involving the Selangor Sultan.

In all of the above, was Anwar making decisions for himself and the minorities or the majority?

Now, it’s a foregone conclusion that Kedah will go to Perikatan Nasional (PN) of which PAS is a member. Kelantan and Terengganu will also go to PN.

In Penang and, particularly, in Selangor and Negri Sembilan, if the voter turnout especially among the Malays is high, it will make a difference in the outcome of the results.

The voters must know if they want a government that represents the majority or not and vote accordingly.

The people have the right to know …

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It is imperative that candidates fielded in the coming Johor state elections make their stand very clearly regarding their commitment to upholding the constitution, wiping out corruption and implementing sustainable development in light of climate change.

What the candidates say about these issues will tell the people what to expect from candidates standing for election at the federal level in a general election.

Firstly, will the candidate commit himself/herself to upholding the federal and state constitutions at all cost? This is extremely important because we don’t want leaders who will circumvent the constitution in order to seize or remain in power in the manner in which the previous prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin, got himself installed as the prime minister and in a similar way in which the Opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH) is keeping the current prime minister, Ismail Sabri Yaakob, in power.

Both, in my opinion, are unconstitutional because both did not prove they had a majority by facing a no-confidence vote in Parliament before installing themselves as the prime minister. Because they set a precedent, now state menteri besars, instead of facing a no-confidence vote in the state assembly to prove their majority or the lack of it, are — with the agreement of the state head of state — dissolving the state assembly and calling for untimely elections, as in the case of Malacca and now Johor.

Such head of state and head of state government cooperation is political rather than constitutional and the people have the right to know if the candidates standing for election in the state constituencies will ensure that they will NOT give any opportunity to the head of state to influence political decisions.

Constitutionally, the head of state is above politics and the menteri besar must not make decisions in consultation with the head of state under the guise of “advising” the head of state without first proving a lack of a majority in the state assembly, which the menteri besar failed to do in dissolving the Malacca state assembly last year. Likewise, in Johor, no vote of confidence was called at the state assembly but the state government was dissolved.

The people have a right to know if the candidates will play no part in involving the head of state or his representatives in state or federal politics because constitutionally the head of state can not get involved in politics.

The people also have the right to know if the candidate and his/her party will use a memorandum of understanding (MoU) to form pacts and deals to thrust parties or a coalition of their choice into power in the event no party or coalition wins a majority and this is proven through a vote of confidence at the state assembly.

Again, a precedent was set at the federal level when PH signed an MoU with the Sabri government before the latter faced a no-confidence vote in the Dewan Rakyat. As a result, there was no proof that the Sabri government was a minority one with which an MoU could be signed.

An MoU is a tool of last resort used by the Opposition to prop up a minority government when no party or coalition gets a majority vote. The process of proving a majority outside of an election is undertaken in Parliament and the state assemblies as is the democratic convention practised by all democracies.

No party or coalition can declare at a press conference it has a majority or failed to get a majority and then use that to justify taking over a government or calling for elections. It must first be proven through the parliamentary/state assembly process. First, the largest minority coalition will be called to face a no-confidence vote. If it fails, the next minority coalition faces the vote and it goes on one after another. If it is proven that no party or coalition has a majority, then the Opposition has the moral grounds to enter into an MoU with a coalition of its choice and prop it up as a minority government of the day.

In the Malaysian case, that parliamentary process was bypassed and an MoU signed with an unconstitutional government, hence making the MoU unconstitutional as well.

The people have the right to know if this infraction of parliamentary procedures will be repeated.

The MoU can also be abused. In a recent report in Malaysiakini, it was stated that election watchdog Bersih had called out Sarawak Chief Minister Abang Johari Openg and other Gabungan Parti Sarawak leaders for using their position to campaign by announcing projects or allocations, officiating at government events, and signing state government MoU for projects.

The people have a right to know if such MoUs will not be entered into by the candidates and that the spirit and letter of the constitution will be strenuously upheld.

The last two issues have been much discussed in the media so I’ll just mention them here.

Secondly, the people have the right to know if the candidates will expose every act of corruption in the state without fear or favour. Can the candidates promise to work towards instituting policies that give no room for corruption?

Thirdly, the people have the right to know if the candidates will ensure sustainable development practices so that the state is well-prepared for natural disasters.

If the candidates address these issues, and their responses are well-received by the people, it may encourage a higher voter turnout by people truly hopeful of a better future. And, that may work out in the Opposition’s favour, not just in the Johor elections but in the general elections as well.