Why a non-issue has become an issue

The Allah word-on-socks controversy is yet another example of how a government without the mandate of the people will prove itself powerless to exercise control in a crisis.

The unity government led by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has been expediently silent on the issue although it is fully aware that the owners of KK Mart had in no way intended to insult Islam and Muslims. The mart no doubt overlooked the few socks bearing the word Allah as it came in a bundle. But, KK Mart apologised profusely and withdrew the products and yet it wasn’t enough to pacify those offended by this unintended offence.

Followers of no religion will tolerate an insult to their religion. So, we understand how Muslims feel about the issue and respect their feelings. Muslims, who understood the facts of the case, however, have been exceedingly rational and understanding and acknowledge it was an unintentional offence.

The issue made headlines particularly because of Umno Youth leader Muhamad Akmal Saleh who fuelled the issue with a call for a boycott of KK Mart in retaliation. Despite numerous calls for him to pipe down, he kept the issue alive by refusing to call off the boycott.

As a result of this controversy, two non-Malays were charged and convicted in court and bombs were thrown in three KK Mart outlets. Akmal, hitherto, got off scot-free. But, today, after the issued had raged on for weeks, he was detained in Kota Kinabalu.

But the damage has been done. Could the arrests and inciting of emotions have been averted if Anwar had acted decisively in the early days of the issue and nipped it in the bud? Could he have managed the crisis without the support of the majority?

Amidst calls to defuse the situation, the prime minister simply said to let the authorities handle the issue, then he kept silent. Umno backed Akmal and maintained silence on the matter as well, commenting on the issue mildly only after the issue was blown out of proportion.

Anwar apparently has little leverage with the political parties in the unity government to direct them to rein in their people and know it would be done with the exception of his own coalition, Pakatan Harapan, perhaps. He may or may not have given such a directive. If he did, Umno apparently did not take heed because Akmal has insisted on continuing with the boycott.

If Anwar had formed a government as a result of intense negotiations between political parties with agreed upon trade-offs without contravening democratic principles or the federal constitution, he would have had an upper hand. As it is, he doesn’t because the political parties came together on the direction of the previous king and are held together by a memorandum of understanding — not by a free vote of support by the majority of the MPs.

Umno, which lost its pole position as the leading party representing the Malays in the 2022 general elections, was given a new lease of life by being part of the unity government in the hope that would bring the Malays back to it. So, Umno enjoyed concession after concession: deputy premiership, key cabinet positions, a DNAA (discharge not amounting to an acquittal to Umno President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi), and a part royal pardon to former prime minister Najib Razak presumably in the hope he would be able to bring voters back to Umno.

Hence, though a junior partner in the unity government, Umno has achieved some leeway and Akmal’s defiance has apparently brought some Malay support back to the party, which means the prime minister will say nothing to undermine that support.

So, we have a national crisis and the prime minister can’t do anything about it because he does not want to undermine whatever Malay support the Allah word-on-socks issue is bringing to Umno. All this boils down to the fact that he does not have the support of the majority.

Clearly, Anwar has lost control or he is not exercising control. The fact that he allowed the king to step in and give a final warning after letting the crisis go unabated is another indication the prime minister has lost control.

It is the Opposition which is holding the peace because it has the support of the Muslim majority while it is Anwar’s junior partner in the government which is causing the strife and putting the nation at risk.

This state of affairs is a strong justification to initiate a change in government but that constitutional right of the people has been robbed by the MoU. So, we have a government that can’t control the people and one which can’t be changed. The result? The people suffer.

If we had a constitutionally approved government supported by the majority, the PM could have easily told all his partners in government to tell their supporters to cool it and have the confidence of knowing that the message would reach the ground. A few still may not, but the PM would be seen as being in control and not depending on others to help him but able to manage the issue with the full support of his coalition partners. That would have inspired confidence in his leadership and helped to bring temperatures down.

This is a fundamental benefit of a constitutional government with a proven majority as against an appointed government without the mandate of the majority. With majority support it is easier for a government to implement communication strategies to reach the grassroots and enforce law and order to manage crises.

The way this issue has been managed or not managed should serve as an eye-opener to all politicians and MPs on the importance of fighting to ensure that parliamentary democracy and the constitution are never compromised nor sacrificed for the sake of expediency.

The consequence may be disastrous to the nation as we are catching a glimpse of it now.

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